THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINA 


THE  COLLECTION  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINIANA 

FROM  THE  LIBRARY  OF 

Mary  Ferrand  Henderson 


FOR  USE  ONLY  IN 
THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  COLLECTION 


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DESTRUCTION1        "       '." 


Alrt> 


EEOONSTEUCTION : 


PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  OF  THE  LATE  WAR. 


BY 

RICHAED   TATLOE, 

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  IN  THE  CONFEDERATE  ARMY. 


NEW   YORK: 
D.   APPLETON   AND    COMPANY, 

549    AND    551    BKOADWAY. 

1879. 


COPYRIGHT  BY 
D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY, 

1879. 


PREFACE. 


These  reminiscences  of  Secession,  "War,  and  Eeconstruction 
it  has  seemed  to  me  a  duty  to  record.  An  actor  therein,  acci- 
dent of  fortune  afforded  me  exceptional  advantages  for  an 
interior  view. 

The  opinions  expressed  are  sincerely  entertained,  hut  of 
their  correctness  such  readers  as  I  may  find  must  judge.  I 
have  in  most  cases  been  a  witness  to  the  facts  alleged,  or  have 
obtained  them  from  the  best  sources.  Where  statements  are 
made  upon  less  authority,  I  have  carefully  endeavored  to  indi- 
cate it  by  the  language  employed. 

R.  TAYLOR. 

December j  1877. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.org/details/destructionrecontayl 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

PREFACE 3 


CHAPTER  I. 

Secession".  ........        9 

Causes  of  the  Civil  War — The  Charleston  Convention — Convention  of  Lou- 
isiana— Temper  of  the  People. 

CHAPTER  II. 

FntST  Scenes  of  the  "War.       .  .  .  .  .  .15 

Blindness  of  the  Confederate  Government — General  Bragg  occupies  Pensa- 
cola — Battle  of  Manassas — Its  Effects  on  the  North  and  the  South — 
"  Initiative  "  and  "  Defensive  "  in  War. 

CHAPTER  III. 
After  Manassas.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .22 

General  W.  H.  T.  Walker— The  Louisiana  Brigade— The  "Tigers"— 
Major  Wheat — General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  and  Jefferson  Davis — 
Alexander  H.  Stephens. 

CHAPTER  IY. 

OPENINa  OF  THE  PENINSULAR   CAMPAIGN.  .  .  .  .31 

McClellan  as  an  Organizer — The  James  Eiver  Route  to  Richmond — Army 
of  Northern  Virginia  moved  to  Orange  Court  House — Straggling — Gen- 
eral Ewell — Bugeaud's  "  Maxims  " — Uselessness  of  Tents — Counsels 
to  Young  Officers. 


6  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

FAGS 

The  Valley  Campaign.  .  .  .  .  .  .42 

The  Army  moved  to  Gordonsville — Joseph  E.  Johnston  as  a  Commander — 
Valley  of  Virginia — Stonewall  Jackson — Belle  Boyd — Federals  routed 
at  Front  Royal — Cuirassiers  strapped  to  their  Horses — Battle  of  Win- 
chester— A  "  Walk  Over  "  at  Strasburg — General  Ashby — Battle  of 
Port  Republic. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

"  The  Seven  Days  abound  Richmond."         .  .  .  .83 

Clever  Strategy — The  Valley  Army  summoned  to  the  Defense  of  Rich- 
mond— Battles  of  Cold  Harbor,  Frazier's  Farm,  Malvern  Hill — Igno- 
rance of  the  Topography — McClellan  as  a  Commander — General  R.  E. 
Lee — His  magnificent  Strategy — His  Mistakes. 

CHAPTER  Vn. 

The  District  of  Louisiana.     .  .  .  .  .  .99 

General  Bragg — Invasion  of  Kentucky — Western  Louisiana — Its  Topog- 
raphy and  River  Systems — The  Attakapas,  Home  of  the  Acadians — 
The  Creole  Population. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Operations  in  Louisiana  and  on  the  Mississippi.  .  .  .111 

Federal  Post  at  Bayou  Des  Allemands  Surprised — Marauding  by  the  Fed- 
erals— Salt  Mines  at  Petit  Anse — General  Pemberton — Major  Brent 
Chief  of  Artillery — Federal  Operations  on  the  Lafourche — Gunboat 
Cotton — General  Weitzel  Advances  up  the  Teche — Capture  of  Federal 
Gunboats — General  Kirby  Smith. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Attacked  by  the  Federals — Attempt  to  Relieve  Vicksbubg — 

Capture  of  Beewiok's  Bay.     .  .  .  .  .129 

Federal  Advance  against  Bisland — Retreat  of  the  Confederates — Banks's 
Dispatches — Relief  of  Vicksburg  impracticable — Capture  of  Federal 
Post  at  Berwick's  Bay — Attack  on  Fort  Butler — Fall  of  Vicksburg 
and  of  Port  Hudson. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

PAGE 

Movement  to  the  Red  Rivee — Campaign  against  Banks.  .  .    148 

The  Confederate  Losses  at  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson — Federals  beaten 
at  Bayou  Bourbeau — Trans-Mississippi  Department,  its  Bureaux  and 
Staff— A  Federal  Fleet  and  Army  ascend  Red  River — Battle  of  Pleas- 
ant Hill — Success  of  the  Confederates — Perilous  Situation  of  Banks's 
Army  and  the  Fleet. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Escape  of  Banks  and  Poetee.  .  .  .  •*  .176 

The  Fleet  descends  Red  River  to  Grand  Ecore— Banks  concentrates  his 
Army  there — Taylor's  Force  weakened  by  General  Kirby  Smith — Con- 
federates harass  Rear  of  Federal  Column — The  Federals  cross  the 
River  atMonette's  Ferry  and  reach  Alexandria — Retreat  of  the  Fleet 
harassed — It  passes  over  the  Falls  at  Alexandria. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

East  op  the  Mississippi.  .  .  .  .  .  .196 

The  Mississippi  controlled  by  the  Federals — Taylor  assigned  to  the  Com- 
mand of  Alabama,  Mississippi,  etc. — Forrest's  Operations — General 
Sherman  in  Georgia — Desperate  Situation  of  Hood — Remnant  of  his 
Army  sent  to  North  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  Xm. 
Closing  Opeeations  of  the  "War — Surrender.        .  .  .    221 

Fall  of  Mobile — Last  Engagement  of  the  "War — Johnston-Sherman  Con- 
vention— Taylor  surrenders  to  General  Canby — Last  Hours  of  the 
"  Trans-Mississippi  Department." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Criticisms  and  Reflections.    ......    230 

Gettysburg — Shiloh — Albert  Sidney  Johnston — Lack  of  Statesmanship  in 
the  Confederacy — "  King  Cotton  " — Carpet-Baggers. 


8  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

PAGE 

Reconstruction  under  Johnson.         .....    239 

Interceding  for  Prisoners — Debauchery  and  Corruption  in  Washington — 
General  Grant — Andrew  Johnson — Stevens,  Winter  Davis,  Sumner — 
Setting  up  and  pulling  down  State  Governments — The  "Ku-Klux" — 
Philadelphia  Convention. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
Reconstruction  under  Grant.  .....    256 

Demoralization  at  the  North — a  Corrupt  Vice-President — a  Hypocritical 
Banker — a  Great  Preacher  profiting  by  his  own  Evil  Reputation — 
Knaves  made  Plenipotentiaries — A  Spurious  Legislature  installed  in 
the  Louisiana  State  House — General  Sheridan  in  New  Orleans — An 
American  Alberoni — Presidential  Election  of  1876 — Congress  over- 
awed by  a  Display  of  Military  Force. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Conclusion.        ........    268 

The  Financial  Crisis — Breaches  of  Trust — Labor  Troubles— Destitution — 
Negro  Suffrage  fatal  to  the  South. 


DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 


CHAPTEE   I. 


SECESSION. 


The  history  of  the  United  States,  as  yet  unwritten,  will  show 
the  causes  pi  the  "  Civil  War  "  to  have  been  in  existence  dur- 
ing the  Colonial  era,  and  to  have  cropped  out  into  full  view  in 
the  debates  of  the  several  State  Assemblies  on  the  adoption  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  in  which  instrument  Luther  Martin, 
Patrick  Henry,  and  others,  insisted  that  they  were  implanted. 
African  slavery  at  the  time  was  universal,  and  its  extinction  in 
the  North,  as  well  as  its  extension  in  the  South,  was  due  to  eco- 
nomic reasons  alone. 

The  first  serious  difficulty  of  the  Federal  Government  arose 
from  the  attempt  to  lay  an  excise  on  distilled  spirits.  The  second 
arose  from  the  hostility  of  New  England  traders  to  the  policy  of 
the  Government  in  the  war  of  1812,  by  which  their  special  in- 
terests were  menaced ;  and  there  is  now  evidence  to  prove  that, 
but  for  the  unexpected  peace,  an  attempt  to  disrupt  the  Union 
would  then  have  been  made. 

The  "  Missouri  Compromise  "  of  1820  was  in  reality  a  truce 
between  antagonistic  revenue  systems,  each  seeking  to  gain  the 
balance  of  power.  For  many  years  subsequently,  slaves — as 
domestic  servants — were  taken  to  the  Territories  without  excit- 
ing remark,  and  the  "  Nullification  "  movement  in  South  Caro- 
lina was  entirely  directed  against  the  tariff. 


10  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Anti-slavery  was  agitated  from  an  early  period,  but  failed  to 
attract  public  attention  for  many  years.  At  length,  by  unwea- 
ried industry,  by  ingeniously  attaching  itself  to  exciting  ques- 
tions of  the  day,  with  which  it  had  no  natural  connection,  it 
succeeded  in  making  a  lodgment  in  the  public  mind,  which,  like 
a  subject  exhausted  by  long  effort,  is  exposed  to  the  attack  of 
some  malignant  fever,  that  in  a  normal  condition  of  vigor 
would  have  been  resisted.  The  common  belief  that  slavery 
was  the  cause  of  civil  war  is  incorrect,  and  Abolitionists  are  not 
justified  in  claiming  the  glory  and  spoils  of  the  conflict  and  in 
pluming  themselves  as  "  choosers  of  the  slain." 

The  vast  immigration  that  poured  into  the  country  between 
the  years  1840  and  1860  had  a  very  important  influence  in  di- 
recting the  events  of  the  latter  year.  The  numbers  were  too 
great  to  be  absorbed  and  assimilated  by  the  native  population. 
States  in  the  West  were  controlled  by  German  and  Scandina- 
vian voters,  while  the  Irish  took  possession  of  the  seaboard 
towns.  Although  the  balance  of  party  strength  was  not  much 
affected  by  these  naturalized  voters,  the  modes  of  political 
thought  were  seriously  disturbed,  and  a  tendency  was  mani- 
fested to  transfer  exciting  topics  from  the  domain  of  argument 
to  that  of  violence. 

The  aged  and  feeble  President,  Mr.  Buchanan,  unfitted  for 
troublous  times,  was  driven  to  and  fro  by  ambitious  leaders  of 
his  own  party,  as  was  the  last  weak  Hapsburg  who  reigned  in 
Spain  by  the  rival  factions  of  France  and  Austria. 

Under  these  conditions  the  National  Democratic  Convention 
met  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  in  the  spring  of  1860,  to 
declare  the  principles  on  which  the  ensuing  presidential  cam- 
paign was  to  be  conducted,  and  select  candidates  for  the  offices 
of  President  and  Yice-President.  Appointed  a  delegate  by  the 
Democracy  of  my  State,  Louisiana,  in  company  with  others  I 
reached  Charleston  two  days  in  advance  of  the  time.  We  were 
at  once  met  by  an  invitation  to  join  in  council  delegates  from 
the  Gulf  States,  to  agree  upon  some  common  ground  of  action 
in  the  Convention,  but  declined  for  the  reason  that  we  were 
accredited  to  the  National  Convention,  and  had  no  authority 


SECESSION".  11 

to  participate  in  other  deliberations.  This  invitation  and  the 
terms  in  which  it  was  conveyed  argned  badly  for  the  harmony 
of  the  Convention  itself,  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  unity 
of  the  Democracy,  then  the  only  organization  supported  in  all 
quarters  of  the  country. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  recall  the  impression  created  at  the 
time  by  the  tone  and  temper  of  different  delegations.  New 
England  adhered  to  the  old  tenets  of  the  Jefferson  school. 
Two  leaders  from  Massachusetts,  Messrs.  Caleb  Cushing  and 
Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  whom  the  former  was  chosen  President 
of  the  Convention,  warmly  supported  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson Davis.  New  York,  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Dean 
Eichmond,  gave  its  influence  to  Mr.  Douglas.  Of  a  combative 
temperament,  Mr.  Bichmond  was  impressed  with  a  belief  that 
"  secession  "  was  but  a  bugbear  to  frighten  the  northern  wing 
of  the  party.  Thus  he  failed  to  appreciate  the  gravity  of  the 
situation,  and  impaired  the  value  of  unusual  common  sense  and 
unselfish  patriotism,  qualities  he  possessed  to  an  eminent  degree. 
The  anxieties  of  Pennsylvania  as  to  candidates  were  accompa- 
nied by  a  philosophic  indifference  as  to  principles.  The  North- 
west was  ardent  for  Douglas,  who  divided  with  Guthrie  Mis- 
souri, Kentucky,  and  Tennessee. 

Maryland,  Yirginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Louisi- 
ana held  moderate  opinions,  and  were  ready  to  adopt  any  hon- 
orable means  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  party  and  country. 
The  conduct  of  the  South  Carolina  delegates  was  admirable. 
Bepresenting  the  most  advanced  constituency  in  the  Conven- 
tion, they  were  singularly  reticent,  and  abstained  from  adding 
fuel  to  the  flames.  They  limited  their  role  to  that  of  dignified, 
courteous  hosts,  and  played  it  as  Carolina  gentlemen  are  wont 
to  do.  From  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  and 
Texas  came  the  fiery  spirits,  led  by  Mr.  William  L.  Yancey  of 
Alabama,  an  able  rhetorician.  This  gentleman  had  persuaded 
his  State  Convention  to  pass  a  resolution,  directing  its  delegates 
to  withdraw  from  Charleston  if  the  Democracy  there  assem- 
bled refused  to  adopt  the  extreme  Southern  view  as  to  the 
rights  of  citizens  in  the  territories.    In  this  he  was  opposed  by 


12  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ex-Governor  Winston,  a  man  of  conservative  tendencies,  and 
long  the  rival  of  Mr.  Yancey  in  State  politics.  Both  gentlemen 
were  sent  to  Charleston,  but  the  majority  of  their  co-delegates 
sustained  Mr.  Yancey. 

Several  days  after  its  organization  the  National  Convention 
reached  a  point  which  made  the  withdrawal  of  Alabama  immi- 
nent. Filled  with  anxions  forebodings,  I  sought  after  nightfall 
the  lodgings  of  Messrs.  Slidell,  Bayard,  and  Bright,  United 
States  senators,  who  had  come  to  Charleston,  not  as  delegates, 
but  under  the  impulse  of  hostility  to  the  principles  and  candi- 
dacy of  Mr.  Douglas.  There,  after  pointing  out  the  certain 
consequences  of  Alabama's  impending  action,  I  made  an  earnest 
appeal  for  peace  and  harmony^  and  with  success.  Mr.  Yancey 
was  sent  for,  came  into  our  views  after  some  discussion,  and  un- 
dertook to  call  his  people  together  at  that  late  hour,  and  secure 
their  consent  to  disregard  instructions.  We  waited  until  near 
dawn  for  Yancey's  return,  but  his  efforts  failed  of  success. 
Governor  Winston,  originally  opposed  to  instructions  as  unwise 
and  dangerous,  now  insisted  that  they  should  be  obeyed  to  the 
letter,  and  carried  a  majority  of  the  Alabama  delegates  with 
him.  Thus  the  last  hope  of  preserving  the  unity  of  the  Na- 
tional Democracy  was  destroyed,  and  by  one  who  was  its  ear- 
nest advocate. 

The  withdrawal  of  Alabama,  followed  by  other  Southern 
States,  the  adjournment  of  a  part  of  the  Convention  to  Balti- 
more and  of  another  part  to  Richmond,  and  the  election  of 
Lincoln  by  votes  of  Northern  States,  require  no  further  men- 
tion. 

In  January,  1861,  the  General  Assembly  of  Louisiana  met. 
A  member  of  the  upper  branch,  and  chairman  of  its  Committee 
on  Federal  Relations,  I  reported,  and  assisted  in  passing,  an  act 
to  call  a  Convention  of  the  people  of  the  State  to  consider  of 
matters  beyond  the  competency  of  the  Assembly.  The  Con- 
vention met  in  March,  and  was  presided  over  by  ex-Governor 
and  ex -United  States  Senator  Alexander  Mouton,  a  man  of 
high  character.  I  represented  my  own  parish,  St.  Charles,  and 
was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Military  and  Defense  Commit- 


SECESSION.  13 

tee,  on  behalf  of  which,  two  ordinances  were  reported  and 
passed:  one,  to  raise  two  regiments;  the  other,  to  authorize 
the  Governor  to  expend  a  million  of  dollars  in  the  purchase  of 
arms  and  munitions.  The  officers  of  the  two  regiments  were 
to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and  the  men  to  be  enlisted  for 
five  years,  unless  sooner  discharged.  More  would  have  been 
desirable  in  the  way  of  raising  troops,  but  the  temper  of  men's 
minds  did  not  then  justify  the  effort.  The  Governor  declined 
to  use  his  authority  to  purchase  arms,  assured  as  he  was  on  all 
sides  that  there  was  no  danger  of  war,  and  that  the  United 
States  arsenal  at  Baton  Eouge,  completely  in  our  power,  would 
furnish  more  than  we  could  need.  It  was  vainly  urged  in  reply 
that  the  stores  of  the  arsenal  were  almost  valueless,  the  arms 
being  altered  flint-lock  muskets,  and  the  accouterments  out  of 
date.     The  current  was  too  strong  to  stem. 

The  Convention,  by  an  immense  majority  of  votes,  adopted 
an  ordinance  declaring  that  Louisiana  ceased  to  be  a  State  with- 
in the  Union.  Indeed,  similar  action  having  already  been  taken 
by  her  neighbors,  Louisiana  of  necessity  followed.  At  the  time 
and  since,  I  marveled  at  the  joyous  and  careless  temper  in 
which  men,  much  my  superiors  in  sagacity  and  experience,  con- 
summated these  acts.  There  appeared  the  same  general  gaite 
de  cosur  that  M.  Ollivier  claimed  for  the  Imperial  Ministry  when 
war  was  declared  against  Prussia.  The  attachment  of  northern 
and  western  people  to  the  Union ;  their  superiority  in  numbers, 
in  wealth,  and  especially  in  mechanical  resources ;  the  command 
of  the  sea ;  the  lust  of  rule  and  territory  always  felt  by  democ- 
racies, and  nowhere  to  a  greater  degree  than  in  the  South — all 
these  facts  were  laughed  to  scorn,  or  their  mention  was  ascribed 
to  timidity  and  treachery. 

As  soon  as  the  Convention  adjourned,  finding  myself  out  of 
harmony  with  prevailing  opinion  as  to  the  certainty  of  war  and 
necessity  for  preparation,  I  retired  to  my  estate,  determined  to 
accept  such  responsibility  only  as  came  to  me  unsought. 

The  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln;  the  confederation 
of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  the  five  Gulf  States ;  the  atti- 
tude of  the  border  slave  States,  hoping  to  mediate  ;  the  assem- 


14  DESTRUCTION  AND  KECONSTKUCTION. 

bling  of  Confederate  forces  at  Pensacola,  Charleston,  and  other 
points;  the  seizure  of  United  States  forts  and  arsenals;  the 
attack  on  "Sumter";  war — these  followed  with  "bewildering 
rapidity,  and  the  human  agencies  concerned  seemed  as  uncon- 
scious as  scene-shifters  in  some  awful  tragedy. 


CHAPTEK   II. 


FERST    SCENES    OF    THE    WAK. 


I  was  drawn  from  my  retreat  by  an  invitation  from  General 
Bragg,  a  particular  friend,  to  visit  Pensacola,  where  he  com- 
manded the  southern  forces,  composed  of  volunteers  from  the 
adjacent  States.  Full  of  enthusiasm  for  their  cause,  and  of  the 
best  material,  officers  and  men  were,  with  few  exceptions,  with- 
out instruction,  and  the  number  of  educated  officers  was,  as  in 
all  the  southern  armies,  too  limited  to  satisfy  the  imperious  de- 
mands of  the  staff,  much  less  those  of  the  drill-master.  Besides, 
the  vicious  system  of  election  of  officers  struck  at  the  very 
root  of  that  stern  discipline  without  which  raw  men  cannot  be 
converted  into  soldiers. 

The  Confederate  Government,  then  seated  at  Montgomery, 
weakly  receded  from  its  determination  to  accept  no  volunteers 
for  short  terms  of  service,  and  took  regiments  for  twelve  months. 
The  same  blindness  smote  the  question  of  finance.  Instead  of 
laying  taxes,  which  the  general  enthusiasm  would  have  cheer- 
fully endured,  the  Confederate  authorities  pledged  their  credit, 
and  that  too  for  an  amount  which  might  have  implied  a  pact 
with  Mr.  Seward  that,  should  war  unhappily  break  out,  its  du- 
ration was  to  be  strictly  limited  to  sixty  days.  The  effect  of 
these  errors  was  felt  throughout  the  struggle. 

General  Bragg  occupied  Pensacola,  the  United  States  navy 
yard,  and  Fort  Barrancas  on  the  mainland ;  while  Fort  Pickens, 
on  Santa  Rosa  island,  was  held  by  Federal  troops,  with  several 
war  vessels  anchored  outside  the  harbor.  There  was  an  under- 
standing that  no  hostile  movement  would  be  made  by  either 
side  without  notice.     Consequently,  Bragg  worked  at  his  bat- 


16  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

teries  bearing  on  Pickens,  while  Major  Brown,  the  Federal  com- 
mander, strengthened  with  sand  bags  and  earth  the  weak  land- 
ward curtain  of  his  fort;  and  time  was  pleasantly  passed  by 
both  parties  in  watching  each  other's  occupation. 

Some  months  before  this  period,  when  Florida  enforced  her 
assumed  right  to  control  all  points  within  her  limits,  a  small 
company  of  United  States  artillery,  under  Lieutenant  Slemmer, 
was  stationed  at  Barrancas,  where  it  was  helpless.  After  much 
manoeuvring,  the  State  forces  of  Florida  induced  Slemmer  to 
retire  from  Barrancas  to  Pickens,  then  garrisoned  by  one  ord- 
nance sergeant,  and  at  the  mercy  of  a  corporal's  guard  in  a  row- 
boat.  Fort  Sumter,  in  Charleston  harbor,  was  in  a  similar  con- 
dition before  Anderson  retired  to  it  with  his  company.  The 
early  seizure  of  these  two  fortresses  would  have  spared  the 
Confederates  many  serious  embarrassments ;  but  such  small  de- 
tails were  neglected  at  that  time. 

My  visit  to  Pensacola  was  brought  to  a  close  by  information 
from  the  Governor  of  Louisiana  of  my  appointment  to  the  colo- 
nelcy of  the  9th  Louisiana  infantry,  a  regiment  just  formed  at 
camp  on  the  railway  some  miles  north  of  New  Orleans,  and 
under  orders  for  Richmond.  Accepting  the  appointment,  I 
hastened  to  the  camp,  inspected  the  command,  ordered  the  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel — Randolph,  a  well-instructed  officer  for  the 
time — to  move  by  rail  to  Richmond  as  rapidly  as  transportation 
was  furnished,  and  went  on  to  New  Orleans,  as  well  to  procure 
equipment,  in  which  the  regiment  was  deficient,  as  to  give 
some  hours  to  private  affairs.  It  was  known  that  there  was  a 
scarcity  of  small-arm  ammunition  in  Virginia,  owing  to  the 
rapid  concentration  of  troops ;  and  I  was  fortunate  in  obtain- 
ing from  the  Louisiana  authorities  a  hundred  thousand  rounds, 
with  which,  together  with  some  field  equipment,  I  proceeded 
by  express  to  Richmond,  where  I  found  my  command,  about  a 
thousand  strong,  just  arrived  and  preparing  to  go  into  camp. 
The  town  was  filled  with  rumor  of  battle  away  north  at  Manas?- 
sas,  where  Beauregard  commanded  the  Confederate  forces.  A 
multitude  of  wild  reports,  all  equally  inflamed,  reached  my  ears 
while  looking  after  the  transportation  of  my  ammunition,  of 


FIRST  SCENES  OF  THE  WAR.  17 

which  I  did  not  wish  to  lose  sight.  Reaching  camp,  I  paraded 
the  regiment,  and  stated  the  necessity  for  prompt  action,  and 
my  purpose  to  make  application  to  be  sent  to  the  front  imme- 
diately. Officers  and  men  were  delighted  with  the  prospect  of 
active  service,  and  largely  supplied  want  of  experience  by  zeal. 
Ammunition  was  served  out,  three  days'  rations  were  ordered 
for  haversacks,  and  all  camp  equipage  not  absolutely  essential 
was  stored. 

These  details  attended  to,  at  5  P.  M.  I  visited  the  war  office, 
presided  over  by  General  Pope  Walker  of  Alabama.  When  the 
object  of  my  visit  was  stated,  the  Secretary  expressed  much 
pleasure,  as  he  was  anxious  to  send  troops  forward,  but  had 
few  in  readiness  to  move,  owing  to  the  lack  of  ammunition,  etc. 
As  I  had  been  in  Richmond  but  a  few  hours,  my  desire  to 
move  and  adequate  state  of  preparation  gained  me  some  "  red- 
letter  "  marks  at  the  war  office.  The  Secretary  thought  that  a 
train  would  be  in  readiness  at  9  o'clock  that  night.  Accord- 
ingly, the  regiment  was  marched  to  the  station,  where  we  re- 
mained several  weary  hours.  At  length,  long  after  midnight, 
our  train  made  its  appearance.  As  the  usual  time  to  Manassas 
was  some  six  hours,  we  confidently  expected  to  arrive  in  the 
early  forenoon;  but  this  expectation  our  engine  brought  to 
grief.  It  proved  a  machine  of  the  most  wheezy  and  helpless 
character,  creeping  snail-like  on  levels,  and  requiring  the  men 
to  leave  the  carriages  to  help  it  up  grades.  As  the  morning 
wore  on,  the  sound  of  guns,  reechoed  from  the  Blue  Ridge 
mountains  on  our  left,  became  loud  and  constant.  At  every 
halt  of  the  wretched  engine  the  noise  of  battle  grew  more  and 
more  intense,  as  did  our  impatience.  I  hope  the  attention  of 
the  recording  angel  was  engrossed  that  day  in  other  directions- 
Later  we  met  men,  single  or  in  squads,  some  with  arms  and" 
some  without,  moving  south,  in  which  quarter  they  all  appeared 
to  have  pressing  engagements. 

At  dusk  we    gained    Manassas   Junction,   near   the  field' 

where,  on  that  day,  the  battle  of  first  "  Manassas  "  had  been 

fought  and  won.     Bivouacking  the  men   by  the  roadside,  I 

sought  through  the  darkness  the  headquarters  of  General  Beau- 

2 


18  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

regard,  to  whom  I  was  instructed  to  report.  With  much  diffi- 
culty and  delay  the  place  was  found,  and  a  staff  officer  told  me 
that  orders  would  be  sent  the  following  morning.  By  these  I 
was  directed  to  select  a  suitable  camp,  thus  indicating  that  no 
immediate  movement  was  contemplated. 

The  confusion  that  reigned  about  our  camps  for  the  next 
few  days  was  extreme.  Regiments  seemed  to  have  lost  their 
colonels,  colonels  their  regiments.  Men  of  all  arms  and  all 
commands  were  mixed  in  the  wildest  way.  A  constant  fusil- 
lade of  small  arms  and  singing  of  bullets  were  kept  up,  indica- 
tive of  a  superfluity  of  disorder,  if  not  of  ammunition.  One 
of  my  men  was  severely  wounded  in  camp  by  a  "  stray,"  and 
derived  no  consolation  from  my  suggestion  that  it  was  a  deli- 
cate attention  of  our  comrades  to  mitigate  the  disappointment 
of  missing  the  battle.  The  elation  of  our  people  at  their  suc- 
cess was  natural.  They  had  achieved  all,  and  more  than  all, 
that  could  have  been  expected  of  raw  troops ;  and  some  com- 
mands had  emulated  veterans  by  their  steadiness  under  fire. 
Settled  to  the  routine  of  camp  duty,  I  found  many  opportuni- 
ties to  go  over  the  adjacent  battle  field  with  those  who  had 
shared  the  action,  then  fresh  in  their  memories.  Once  I  had 
the  f>rivilege  of  so  doing  in  company  with  Generals  Johnston 
and  Beauregard ;  and  I  will  now  give  my  opinion  of  this,  as  I 
purpose  doing  of  such  subsequent  actions,  and  commanders 
therein,  as  came  within  the  range  of  my  personal  experience 
during  the  war. 

Although  since  the  days  of  Nimrod  war  has  been  the  con- 
stant occupation  of  men,  the  fingers  of  one  hand  suffice  to 
number  the  great  commanders.  The  "  unlearned  "  hardly  think 
of  usurping  Tyndall's  place  in  the  lecture  room,  or  of  taking 
his  cuneiform  bricks  from  Bawlinson  ;  yet  the  world  has  been 
much  more  prolific  of  learned  scientists  and  philologers  than  of 
able  generals.  Notwithstanding,  the  average  American  (and, 
judging  from  the  dictatorship  of  Maitre  Gambetta,  the  French- 
man) would  not  have  hesitated  to  supersede  Napoleon  at  Aus- 
terlitz  or  Nelson  at  Trafalgar.  True,  Cleon  captured  the  Spar- 
tan garrison,  and  Narses  gained  victories,  and  Bunyan  wrote 


FIRST  SCENES  OF  THE  WAR.  19 

the  "  Pilgrim's  Progress ; "  but  pestilent  demagogues  and  muti- 
lated guardians  of  Eastern  zenanas  have  not  always  been  suc- 
cessful in  war,  nor  the  great  and  useful  profession  of  tinkers 
written  allegory.  As  men  without  knowledge  have  at  all  times 
usurped  the  right  to  criticise  campaigns  and  commanders,  they 
will  doubtless  continue  to  do  so  despite  the  protests  of  profes- 
sional soldiers,  who  discharge  this  duty  in  a  reverent  spirit, 
knowing  that  the  greatest  is  he  who  commits  the  fewest  blunders. 

General  McDowell,  the  Federal  commander  at  Manassas, 
and  a  trained  soldier  of  unusual  acquirement,  was  so  hounded 
and  worried  by  ignorant,  impatient  politicians  and  newspapers 
as  to  be  scarcely  responsible  for  his  acts.  This  may  be  said  of 
all  the  commanders  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  notably  of 
Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  whose  early  fall  on  the  field  of  Shi- 
loh  was  irreparable,  and  mayhap  determined  the  fate  of  the 
South.  McDowell's  plan  of  battle  was  excellent,  and  its  exe- 
cution by  his  mob  no  worse  than  might  have  been  confidently 
expected.  The  late  Governor  Andrew  of  Massachusetts  ob- 
served that  his  men  thought  they  were  going  to  a  town  meet- 
ing, and  this  is  exhaustive  criticism.  "With  soldiers  at  his  dis- 
posal, McDowell  would  have  succeeded  in  turning  and  over- 
whelming Beauregard's  left,  driving  him  from  his  rail  commu- 
nications with  Richmond,  and  preventing  the  junction  of 
Johnston  from  the  valley.  It  appears  that  Beauregard  was  to 
some  extent  surprised  by  the  attack,  contemplating  movements 
by  his  own  centre  and  right.  His  exposed  and  weak  left  stub- 
bornly resisted  the  shock  of  attacking  masses,  while  he,  with 
coolness  and  personal  daring  most  inspiriting  to  his  men,  brought 
up  assistance  from  centre  and  right ;  and  the  ground  was  held 
until  Johnston,  who  had  skillfully  eluded  Patterson,  arrived 
and  began  feeding  our  line,  when  the  affair  was  soon  decided. 

There  can  be  little  question  that  with  a  strong  brigade  of 
soldiers  Johnston  could  have  gone  to  "Washington  and  Balti- 
more. "Whether,  with  his  means,  he  should  have  advanced,  has 
been  too  much  and  angrily  discussed  already.  ^Napoleon  held 
that,  no  matter  how  great  the  confusion  and  exhaustion  of  a 
victorious  army  might  be,  a  defeated  one  must  be  a  hundred- 


20  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

fold  worse,  and  action  should  be  based  on  this.  Assuredly,  if 
there  be  justification  in  disregarding  an  axiom  of  Napoleon,  the 
wild  confusion  of  the  Confederates  after  Manassas  afforded  it. 

The  first  skirmishes  and  actions  of  the  war  proved  that  the 
Southron,  untrained,  was  a  better  fighter  than  the  Northerner 
— not  because  of  more  courage,  but  of  the  social  and  economic 
conditions  by  which  he  was  surrounded.  Devoted  to  agricul- 
ture in  a  sparsely  populated  country,  the  Southron  was  self-re- 
liant, a  practiced  horseman,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  arms.  The 
dense  population  of  the  North,  the  habit  of  association  for  com- 
mercial and  manufacturing  purposes,  weakened  individuality  of 
character,  and  horsemanship  and  the  use  of  arms  were  excep- 
tional acconrplishments.  The  rapid  development  of  railways 
and  manufactures  in  the  West  had  assimilated  the  people  of 
that  region  to  their  eastern  neighbors,  and  the  old  race  of  fron- 
tier riflemen  had  wandered  to  the  far  interior  of  the  continent. 
Instruction  and  discipline  soon  equalized  differences,  and  battles 
were  decided  by  generalship  and  numbers ;  and  this  was  the 
experience  of  our  kinsmen  in  their  great  civil  war.  The  coun- 
try squires  who  followed  the  banners  of  Newcastle  and  Rupert 
at  first  swept  the  eastern-counties  yeomanry  and  the  London 
train-bands  from  the  field ;  but  fiery  and  impetuous  valor  was 
at  last  overmatched  by  the  disciplined  purpose  and  stubborn 
constancy  of  Cromwell's  Ironsides. 

The  value  of  the  "  initiative  "  in  war  cannot  be  overstated. 
It  surpasses  in  power  mere  accession  of  numbers,  as  it  requires 
neither  transport  nor  commissariat.  Holding  it,  a  commander 
lays  his  plans  deliberately,  and  executes  them  at  his  own  ap- 
pointed time  and  in  his  own  way.  The  "  defensive  "  is  weak, 
lowering  the  morale  of  the  army  reduced  to  it,  enforcing  con- 
stant watchfulness  lest  threatened  attacks  become  real,  and  keep- 
ing commander  and  troops  in  a  state  of  anxious  tension.  These 
truisms  would  not  deserve  mention  did  not  the  public  mind 
ignore  the  fact  that  their  application  is  limited  to  trained  sol- 
diers, and  often  become  impatient  for  the  employment  of  proved 
ability  to  sustain  sieges  and  hold  lines  in  offensive  movements. 
A  collection  of  untrained  men  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  a 


FIRST  SCENES  OF  THE  WAR.  21 

mob,  in  which,  individual  courage  goes  for  nothing.  In  move- 
ment each  person  finds  his  liberty  of  action  merged  in  a  crowd, 
ignorant  and  incapable  of  direction.  Every  obstacle  creates 
confusion,  speedily  converted  into  panic  by  opposition.  The 
heroic  defenders  of  Saragossa  could  not  for  a  moment  have 
faced  a  battalion  of  French  infantry  in  the  open  field.  Osman's 
solitary  attempt  to  operate  outside  of  Plevna  met  with  no  suc- 
cess; and  the  recent  defeat  of  Moukhtar  may  be  ascribed  to 
incaution  in  taking  position  too  far  from  his  line  of  defense, 
where,  when  attacked,  manoeuvres  of  which  his  people  were  in- 
capable became  necessary. 


CHAPTER    III, 


AFTEK   MANASSAS. 


After  the  action  at  Manassas,  the  summer  and  winter  of 
1861  wore  away  without  movements  of  special  note  in  our  quar- 
ter, excepting  the  defeat  of  the  Federals  at  Ball's  Bluff,  on  the 
Potomac,  by  a  detached  brigade  of  Confederates,  commanded 
by  General  Evans  of  South  Carolina,  a  West-Pointer  enjoying 
the  sobriquet  of  Shanks  from  the  thinness  of  his  legs. 

In  the  organization  of  our  army,  my  regiment  was  brigaded 
with  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  regiments  of  the  Louisiana  infantry, 
and  placed  under  General  William  H.  T.  Walker  of  Georgia. 
Graduated  from  West  Point  in  the  summer  of  1837,  this  officer 
joined  the  6th  United  States  infantry  operating  against  the 
Seminoles  in  Florida.  On  Christmas  day  following  was  fought 
the  battle  of  Okeechobee,  the  severest  fight  of  that  Indian  war. 
The  savages  were  posted  on  a  thickly  jungled  island  in  the  lake, 
through  the  waters  of  which,  breast-high,  the  troops  advanced 
several  hundred  yards  to  the  attack.  The  loss  on  our  side  was 
heavy,  but  the  Indians  were  so  completely  routed  as  to  break 
their  spirit.  Colonel  Zachary  Taylor  commanded,  and  there 
won  his  yellow  sash  and  grade.  Walker  was  desperately 
wounded,  and  the  medical  people  gave  him  up ;  hut  he  laughed 
at  their  predictions  and  recovered.  In  the  war  with  Mexico,  as- 
saulting Molino  del  Bey,  he  received  several  wounds,  all  pro- 
nounced fatal,  and  science  thought  itself  avenged.  Again  he 
got  well,  as  he  said,  to  spite  the  doctors.  Always  a  martyr  to 
asthma,  he  rarely  enjoyed  sleep  but  in  a  sitting  posture  ;  yet  he 
was  as  cheerful  and  full  of  restless  activity  as  the  celebrated 
Earl  of  Peterborough.     Peace  with  Mexico  established,  Walker 


AFTER  MANASSAS.  23 

became  commandant  of  cadets  at  West  Point.  His  ability  as  an 
instructor,  and  his  lofty,  martial  bearing,  deeply  impressed  his 
new  brigade  and  prepared  it  for  stern  work.  Subsequently 
"Walker  died  on  the  field  near  Atlanta,  defending  the  soil  of  his 
native  State — a  death  of  all  others  he  would  have  chosen.  I 
have  dwelt  somewhat  on  his  character,  because  it  was  one  of  the 
strangest  I  have  met.  ~No  enterprise  was  too  rash  to  awaken 
his  ardor,  if  it  necessitated  daring  courage  and  self-devotion. 
Truly,  he  might  have  come  forth  from  the  pages  of  old  Froissart. 
It  is  with  unaffected  feeling  that  I  recall  his  memory  and  hang 
before  it  my  humble  wreath  of  immortelles. 

In  camp  our  army  experienced  much  suffering  and  loss  of 
strength.  Drawn  almost  exclusively  from  rural  districts,  where 
families  lived  isolated,  the  men  were  scourged  with  mumps, 
whooping-cough,  and  measles,  diseases  readily  overcome  by  child- 
hood in  urban  populations.  Measles  proved  as  virulent  as  small- 
pox or  cholera.  Sudden  changes  of  temperature  drove  the  erup- 
tion from  the  surface  to  the  internal  organs,  and  fevers,  lung 
and  typhoid,  and  dysenteries  followed.  My  regiment  was  fear- 
fully smitten,  and  I  passed  days  in  hospital,  nursing  the  sick 
and  trying  to  comfort  the  last  moments  of  many  poor  lads,  dying 
so  far  from  home  and  friends.  Time  and  frequent  changes  of 
camp  brought  improvement,  but  my  own  health  gave  way.  A 
persistent  low  fever  sapped  my  strength  and  impaired  the  use 
of  my  limbs.  General  Johnston  kindly  ordered  me  off  to  the 
Fauquier  springs,  sulphur  waters,  some  twenty  miles  to  the 
south.  There  I  was  joined  and  carefully  nursed  by  a  devoted 
sister,  and  after  some  weeks  slowly  regained  health. 

On  the  eve  of  returning  to  the  army,  I  learned  of  my  pro- 
motion to  brigadier,  to  relieve  General  Walker,  transferred  to  a 
brigade  of  Georgians.  This  promotion  seriously  embarrassed 
me.  Of  the  four  colonels  whose  regiments  constituted  the 
brigade,  I  was  the  junior  in  commission,  and  the  other  three  had 
been  present  and  "  won  their  spurs  "  at  the  recent  battle,  so  far 
the  only  important  one  of  the  war.  Besides,  my  known  friend- 
ship for  President  Davis,  with  whom  I  was  connected  by  his 
first  marriage  with  my  elder  sister,  would  justify  the  opinion 


24  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

that  my  promotion  was  due  to  favoritism.  Arrived  at  head- 
quarters, I  obtained  leave  to  go  to  Richmond,  where,  after  an 
affectionate  reception,  the  President  listened  to  the  story  of  my 
feelings,  the  reasons  on  which  they  were  based,  and  the  request 
that  the  promotion  should  be  revoked.  He  replied  that  he 
would  take  a  day  for  reflection  before  deciding  the  matter.  The 
following  day  I  was  told  that  the  answer  to  my  appeal  would  be 
forwarded  to  the  army,  to  which  I  immediately  returned.  The 
President  had  employed  the  delay  in  writing  a  letter  to  the 
senior  officers  of  the  brigade,  in  which  he  began  by  stating  that 
promotions  to  the  grade  of  general  officer  were  by  law  intrusted 
to  him,  and  were  made  for  considerations  of  public  good,  of 
which  he  alone  was  judge.  He  then,  out  of  abundant  kindness 
for  me,  went  on  to  soothe  the  feelings  of  these  officers  with  a 
tenderness  and  delicacy  of  touch  worthy  a  woman's  hand,  and 
so  effectually  as  to  secure  me  their  hearty  support.  (No  wonder 
that  all  who  enjoy  the  friendship  of  Jefferson  Davis  love  him 
as  Jonathan  did  Davidv; 

Several  weeks  without  notable  incident  were  devoted  to  in- 
struction, especially  in  marching,  the  only  military  quality  for 
which  Southern  troops  had  no  aptitude.  Owing  to  the  good 
traditions  left  by  my  predecessor,  Walker,  and  the  zeal  of  offi- 
cers and  men,  the  brigade  made  great  progress. 

With  the  army  at  this  time  was  a  battalion  of  three  com- 
panies from  Louisiana,  commanded  by  Major  Wheat.  These 
detached  companies  had  been  thrown  together  previous  to  the 
fight  at  Manassas,  where  Wheat  was  severely  wounded.  The 
strongest  of  the  three,  and  giving  character  to  all,  was  called  the 
"Tigers."  Recruited  on  the  levee  and  in  the  alleys  of  New 
Orleans,  the  men  might  have  come  out  of  "  Alsatia,"  where  they 
would  have  been  worthy  subjects  of  that  illustrious  potentate, 
"Duke  Hildebrod."  The  captain,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
immediate  command  of  these  worthies  on  the  advancement  of 
Wheat,  enjoying  the  luxury  of  many  aliases,  called  himself 
White,  perhaps  out  of  respect  for  the  purity  of  the  patriotic 
garb  lately  assumed.  So  villainous  was  the  reputation  of  this 
battalion  that  every  commander  desired  to  be  rid  of  it;  and 


AFTER  MANASSAS.  25 

General  Johnston  assigned  it  to  me,  despite  my  efforts  to  decline 
the  honor  of  such  society.  He  promised,  however,  to  sustain 
me  in  any  measures  to  enforce  discipline,  and  but  a  few  horns 
elapsed  before  the  fulfillment  of  the  promise  was  exacted.  For 
some  disorder  after  tattoo,  several  "  Tigers  "  were  arrested  and 
placed  in  charge  of  the  brigade  guard.  Their  comrades  at- 
tempted to  force  the  guard  and  release  them.  The  attempt 
failed,  and  two  ringleaders  were  captured  and  put  .in  irons  for 
the  night.  On  the  ensuing  morning  an  order  for  a  general 
court-martial  was  obtained  from  army  headquarters,  and  the 
court  met  at  10  A.  M.  The  prisoners  were  found  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot  at  sunset.  I  ordered  the  "  tiring  party  "  to 
be  detailed  from  their  own  company ;  but  Wheat  and  his  officers 
begged  to  be  spared  this  hard  duty,  fearing  that  the  "  Tigers  " 
would  refuse  to  fire  on  their  comrades.  I  insisted  for  the  sake 
of  the  example,  and  pointed  out  the  serious  consequences  of 
disobedience  by  their  men.  The  brigade,  under  arms,  was 
marched  out ;  and  as  the  news  had  spread,  many  thousands  from 
other  commands  flocked  to  witness  the  scene.  The  firing  party, 
ten  "  Tigers,"  was  drawn  up  fifteen  paces  from  the  prisoners, 
the  brigade  provost  gave  the  command  to  fire,  and  the  unhappy 
men  fell  dead  without  a  struggle.  This  account  is  given  because 
it  was  the  first  military  execution  in  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia;  and  punishment,  so  closely  following  offense,  pro- 
duced a  marked  effect.  But  Major  "  Bob  "  "Wheat  deserves  an 
extended  notice. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1846,  after  the  victories  of  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  the  United  States  Army  under 
General  Zachary  Taylor  lay  near  the  town  of  Matamoros.  Vis- 
iting the  hospital  of  a  recently  joined  volunteer  corps  from  the 
States,  I  remarked  a  bright-eyed  youth  of  some  nineteen  years, 
wan  with  disease,  but  cheery  withal.  The  interest  he  inspired 
led  to  his  removal  to  army  headquarters,  where  he  soon  recov- 
ered health  and  became  a  pet.  This  was  Bob  Wheat,  son  of  an 
Episcopal  clergyman,  who  had  left  school  to  come  to  the  war. 
He  next  went  to  Cuba  with  Lopez,  was  wounded  and  captured, 
but  escaped  the  garrote  to  follow  Walker  to  Nicaragua.     Ex- 


26  DESTRUCTION  AKD  RECONSTEUOTIOF. 

haunting  the  capacities  of  South  American  patriots  to  pronounce, 
he  quitted  their  society  in  disgust,  and  joined  Garibaldi  in  Italy, 
whence  his  keen  scent  of  combat  summoned  him  home  in  con- 
venient time  to  receive  a  bullet  at  Manassas.  The  most  com- 
plete Dugald  Dalgetty  possible,  he  had  "  all  the  defects  of  the 
good  qualities  "  of  that  doughty  warrior. 

Some  months  after  the  time  of  which  Lam  writing,  a  body 
of  Federal  horse  was  captured  in  the  valley  of  Yirginia.  The 
colonel  commanding,  who  had  been  dismounted  in  the  fray,  ap- 
proached me.  A  stalwart  man,  with  huge  mustaches,  cavalry 
boots  adorned  with  spurs  worthy  of  a  caballero,  slouched  hat, 
and  plume,  he  strode  along  with  the  nonchalant  air  of  one  who 
had  wooed  Dame  Fortune  too  long  to  be  cast  down  by  her 
frowns.  Suddenly  Major  Wheat,  near  by,  sprang  from  his  horse 
with  a  cry  of  "Percy!  old  boy!"  "Why,  Bob!"  was  echoed 
back,  and  a  warm  embrace  was  exchanged.  Colonel  Percy  Wynd- 
ham,  an  Englishman  in  the  Federal  service,  had  last  parted  from 
Wheat  in  Italy,  or  some  other  country  where  the  pleasant  busi- 
ness of  killing  was  going  on,  and  now  fraternized  with  his  friend 
in  the  manner  described. 

Poor  Wheat !  A  month  later,  and  he  slept  his  last  sleep  on 
the  bloody  field  of  Cold  Harbor.  He  lies  there  in  a  soldier's 
grave.  Gallant  spirit !  let  us  hope  that  his  readiness  to  die  for 
his  cause  has  made  "  the  scarlet  of  Ms  sins  like  unto  wool." 

As  the  autumn  of  the  year  1861  passed  away,  the  question 
of  army  organization  pressed  for  solution,  while  divergent  opin- 
ions were  held  by  the  Government  at  Richmond  and  General 
Johnston.  The  latter  sent  me  to  President  Davis  to  explain  his 
views  and  urge  their  adoption.  My  mission  met  with  no  suc- 
cess ;  but  in  discharging  it,  I  was  made  aware  of  the  estrange- 
ment growing  up  between  these  eminent  persons,  which  subse- 
quently became  "  the  spring  of  woes  unnumbered."  An  earnest 
effort  made  by  me  to  remove  the  cloud,  then  "  no  greater  than 
a  man's  hand,"  failed;  though  the  elevation  of  character  of  the' 
two  men,  which  made  them  listen  patiently  to  my  appeals,  jus- 
tified hope.  Time  but  served  to  widen  the  breach.  Without 
the  knowledge  and  despite  the  wishes  of  General  Johnston,  the 


AFTER  MANASSAS.  27 

descendants  of  the  ancient  dwellers  in  the  cave  of  Adullam 
gathered  themselves  behind  his  shield,  and  shot  their  arrows  at 
President  Davis  and  his  advisers,  weakening  the  influence  of 
the  head  of  the  cause  for  which  all  were  struggling. 

Immediately  after  the  birth  of  the  Confederacy,  a  resolution 
was  adopted  by  the  "  Provisional  Congress  "  declaring  that  mili- 
tary and  naval  officers,  resigning  the  service  of  the  United  States 
Government  to  enter  that  of  the  Confederate,  would  preserve 
their  relative  rank.  Later  on,  the  President  was  authorized  to 
make  five  appointments  to  the  grade  of  general.  These  appoint- 
ments were  announced  after  the  battle  of  Manassas,  and  in  the 
following  order  of  seniority:  Samuel  Cooper,  Albert  Sidney 
Johnston,  Eobert  E.  Lee,  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  and  G.  T.  Beau- 
regard. 

Near  the  close  of  President  Buchanan's  administration,  in 
1860,  died  General  Jesup,  Quartermaster-General  of  the  United 
States  army ;  and  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  then  lieutenant-colonel 
of  cavalry,  was  appointed  to  the  vacancy.  Now  the  Quarter- 
master-General had  the  rank,  pay,  and  emoluments  of  a  briga- 
dier-general;  but  the  rank  was  staff,  and  by  law  this  officer 
could  not  exercise  command  over  troops  unless  by  special  assign- 
ment. "When,  in  the  spring  of  1861,  the  officers  in  question 
entered  the  service  of  the  Confederacy,  Cooper  had  been  Adju- 
tant-General of  the  United  States  Army,  with  the  rank  of  colo- 
nel ;  Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  colonel  and  brigadier-general  by 
brevet,  and  on  duty  as  such  ;  Lee,  lieutenant-colonel  of  cavalry, 
senior  to  Joseph  E.  Johnston  in  the  line  before  the  latter's  ap- 
pointment above  mentioned ;  Beauregard,  major  of  engineers. 
In  arranging  the  order  of  seniority  of  generals,  President  Davis 
held  to  the  superiority  of  line  to  staff  rank,  while  Joseph  E. 
Johnston  took  the  opposite  view,  and  sincerely  believed  that 
injustice  was  done  him. 

After  the  grave  and  wondrous  scenes  through  which  we 
have  passed,  all  this  seems  like  "  a  tempest  in  a  tea-pot ; "  but  it 
had  much  influence  and  deserves  attention. 

General  Beauregard,  who  about  this  time  was  transferred  to 
the  army  in  the  "West,  commanded  by  Albert  Sidney  Johnston, 


28  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

was  also  known  to  have  grievances.  Whatever  their  source,  it 
could  not  have  been  rank;  bnt  it  is  due  to  this  General — a 
gentleman  of  taste — to  say  that  no  utterances  came  from  him. 
Indiscreet  persons  at  Richmond,  claiming  the  privilege  and  dis- 
charging the  duty  of  friendship,  gave  tongue  to  loud  and  fre- 
quent plaints,  and  increased  the  confusion  of  the  hour. 

As  the  year  1862  opened,  and  the  time  for  active  move- 
ments drew  near,  weighty  cares  attended  the  commander  of  the 
Army  of  Northern  Yirginia.  The  folly  of  accepting  regiments 
for  the  short  period  of  twelve  months,  to  which  allusion  has 
"been  made,  was  now  apparent.  Having  taken  service  in  the 
spring  of  1861,  the  time  of  many  of  the  troops  would  expire 
just  as  the  Federal  host  in  their  front  might  be  expected  to  ad- 
vance. A  large  majority  of  the  men  were  willing  to  reenlist, 
provided  that  they  could  first  go  home  to  arrange  private  affairs ; 
and  fortunately,  the  fearful  condition  of  the  country  permitted 
the  granting  of  furloughs  on  a  large  scale.  Except  on  a  few 
pikes,  movements  were  impossible,  and  an  army  could  no  more 
have  marched  across  country  than  across  Chesapeake  bay. 
Closet  warriors  in  cozy  studies,  with  smooth  macadamized  road- 
ways before  their  doors,  sneer  at  the  idea  of  military  movements 
being  arrested  by  mud.  I  apprehend  that  these  gentlemen  have 
never  served  in  a  bad  country  during  the  rainy  season,  and  are 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that,  in  his  Russian  campaign,  the  elements 
proved  too  strong  for  the  genius  of  Napoleon. 

General  Johnston  met  the  difficulties  of  his  position  with 
great  coolness,  tact,  and  judgment ;  but  his  burden  was  by  no 
means  lightened  by  the  interference  of  certain  politicians  at 
Richmond.  These  were  perhaps  inflamed  by  the  success  that 
had  attended  the  tactical  efforts  of  their  Washington  peers. 
At  all  events,  they  now  threw  themselves  upon  military  ques- 
tions with  much  ardor.  Their  leader  was  Alexander  H.  Ste- 
phens of  Georgia,  Yice-President  of  the  Confederacy,  who  is 
entitled  to  a  place  by  himself. 

Like  the  celebrated  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  Mr.  Ste- 
phens has  an  acute  intellect  attached  to  a  frail  and  meagre  body. 
As  was  said  by  the  witty  Canon  of  St.  Paul's  of  Francis  Jeffrey, 


AFTER  MANASSAS.  29 

his  mind  is  in  a  state  of  indecent  exposure.  A  trained  and  skill- 
ful politician,  he  was  for  many  years  before  the  war  returned 
to  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives  from  the  district 
in  which  he  resides,  and  his  "device"  seems  always  to  have 
been,  "  Fiat  justitia,  ruat  coelum."  When,  in  December,  1849, 
the  Congress  assembled,  there  was  a  Whig  administration,  and 
the  same  party  had  a  small  majority  in  the  lower  House,  of 
which  Mr.  Stephens,  an  ardent  Whig,  was  a  member ;  but  he 
could  not  see  his  way  to  support  his  party's  candidate  for 
Speaker,  and  this  inability  to  find  a  road,  plain  mayhap  to 
weaker  organs,  secured  the  control  of  the  House  to  his  political 
adversaries.  During  the  exciting  period  preceding  "  secession  " 
Mr.  Stephens  held  and  avowed  moderate  opinions ;  but,  swept 
along  by  the  resistless  torrent  surrounding  him,  he  discovered 
and  proclaimed  that  "  slavery  was  the  corner-stone  of  the  con- 
federacy." In  the  strong  vernacular  of  the  West,  this  was 
"rather  piling  the  agony"  on  the  humanitarians,  whose  sym- 
pathies were  not  much  quickened  toward  us  thereby.  As  the 
struggle  progressed,  Mr.  Stephens,  with  all  the  impartiality  of 
an  equity  judge,  marked  many  of  the  virtues  of  the  Government 
north  of  the  Potomac,  and  all  the  vices  of  that  on  his  own  side 
of  the  river.  Regarding  the  military  questions  in  hand  he  en- 
tertained and  publicly  expressed  original  opinions,  which  I  will 
attempt  to  convey  as  accurately  as  possible.  The  war  was  for 
principles  and  rights,  and  it  was  in  defense  of  these,  as  well  as 
of  their  property,  that  the  people  had  taken  up  arms.  They 
could  always  be  relied  on  when  a  battle  was  imminent ;  but, 
when  no  fighting  was  to  be  done,  they  had  best  be  at  home 
attending  to  their  families  and  interests.  As  their  intelligence 
was  equal  to  their  patriotism,  they  were  as  capable  of  judging 
of  the  necessity  of  their  presence  with  the  colors  as  the  com- 
manders of  armies,  who  were  but  professional  soldiers  fighting 
for  rank  and  pay,  and  most  of  them  without  property  in  the 
South.  It  may  be  observed  that  such  opinions  are  more  com- 
fortably cherished  by  political  gentlemen,  two  hundred  miles 
away,  than  by  commanders  immediately  in  front  of  the  enemy. 
In  July,  1865,  two  months  after  the  close  of  the  great  war, 


30  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

I  visited  Washington  in  the  hope  of  effecting  some  change  in 
the  condition  of  Jefferson  Davis,  then  ill  and  a  prisoner  at  Fort- 
ress Monroe ;  and  this  visit  was  protracted  to  November  before 
its  object  was  accomplished.  In  the  latter  part  of  October  of 
the  same  year  Mr.  Stephens  came  to  Washington,  where  he  was 
the  object  of  much  attention  on  the  part  of  people  controlling 
the  Congress  and  the  country.  Desiring  his  cooperation  in  behalf 
of  Mr.  Davis,  I  sought  and  found  him  sitting  near  a  fire  (for 
he  is  of  a  chilly  nature),  smoking  his  pipe.  He  heard  me  in 
severe  politeness,  and,  without  unnecessary  expenditure  of  en- 
thusiasm, promised  his  assistance.  Since  the  war  Mr.  Stephens 
has  again  found  a  seat  in  the  Congress,  where,  unlike  the  rebel 
brigadiers,  his  presence  is  not  a  rock  of  offense  to  the  loyal 
mind.* 

*  The  foregoing  sketch  of  Mr.  Stephens  appeared  substantially 
in  the  "  North  American  Review,"  but  the  date  of  the  interview 
in  Washington  was  not  stated.  Thereupon  Mr.  Stephens,  in  print, 
seized  on  July,  and  declared  that,  as  he  was  a  prisoner  in  Fort 
Warren  during  that  month,  the  interview  was  a  "Munchausen- 
ism."  He  also  disputes  the  correctness  of  the  opinions  concerning 
military  matters  ascribed  to  him,  although  scores  of  his  associates 
at  Richmond  will  attest  it.  Again,  he  assumes  the  non-existence 
of  twelve-months'  regiments  because  some  took  service  for  the 
war,  etc. 

Like  other  ills,  feeble  health  has  its  compensations,  especially 
for  those  who  unite  restless  vanity  and  ambition  to  a  feminine 
desire  for  sympathy.  It  has  been  much  the  habit  of  Mr.  Stephens 
to  date  controversial  epistles  from  "  a  sick  chamber,"  as  do  ladies 
in  a  delicate  situation.  A  diplomatist  of  the  last  century,  the 
Chevalier  D'Eon,  by  usurping  the  privileges  of  the  opposite  sex, 
inspired  grave  doubts  concerning  his  own. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

OPENING   OF   THE   PENINSULAR   CAMPAIGN. 

Pursuing  "  the  even  tenor  of  his  way,"  Johnston  rapidly 
increased  the  efficiency  of  his  army.  Furloughed  men  returned 
in  large  numbers  before  their  leaves  had  terminated,  many 
bringing  new  recruits  with  them.  Divisions  were  formed,  and 
officers  selected  to  command  them.  Some  islands  of  dry  land 
appeared  amid  the  sea  of  mud,  when  the  movement  of  the 
Federal  forces  in  our  front  changed  the  theatre  of  war  and 
opened  the  important  campaign  of  1862. 

When  overtaken  by  unexpected  calamity  African  tribes  de- 
stroy the  fetich  previously  worshiped,  and  with  much  noise 
seek  some  new  idol  in  which  they  can  incarnate  their  vanities 
and  hopes.  Stunned  by  the  rout  at  Manassas,  the  JSTorth  pulled 
down  an  old  veteran,  Scott,  and  his  lieutenant,  McDowell,  and 
set  up  McClellan,  who  caught  the  public  eye  at  the  moment 
by  reason  of  some  minor  successes  in  Western  Virginia,  where 
the  Confederate  General,  Robert  Garnett,  was  killed.  It  is  but 
fair  to  admit  that  the  South  had  not  emulated  the  wisdom  of 
Solomon  nor  the  modesty  of  Godolphin.  The  capture  of  Fort 
Sumter,  with  its  garrison  of  less  than  a  hundred  men,  was 
hardly  Gibraltar ;  yet  it  would  put  the  grandiloquent  hidalgoes 
of  Spain  on  their  mettle  to  make  more  clatter  over  the  down- 
fall of  the  cross  of  St.  George  from  that  historic  rock.  Mc- 
Clellan was  the  young  Napoleon,  the  very  god  of  war  in  his 
latest  avatar.  While  this  was  absurd,  and  in  the  end  injurious 
to  McClellan,  it  was  of  service  to  his  Government;  for  it 
strengthened  his  loins  to  the  task  before  him — a  task  demand- 
ing the  highest  order  of  ability  and  the  influence  of  a  demigod. 
A  great  war  was  to  be  carried  on,  and  a  great  army,  the  most 
complex  of  machines,  was  necessary. 


32  DESTRUCTION"  AND  EECONSTEUCTION. 

The  cardinal  principles  on  which  the  art  of  war  is  based  are 
few  and  unchangeable,  resembling  in  this  the  code  of  morality ; 
but  their  application  varies  as  the  theatre  of  the  war,  the  genius 
and  temper  of  the  people  engaged,  and  the  kind  of  arms  em- 
ployed. The  United  States  had  never  possessed  a  great  army. 
The  entire  force  engaged  in  the  war  against  Mexico  would 
scarcely  have  made  a  respectable  corps  cParmee,  and  to  study 
the  organization  of  great  armies  and  campaigns  a  recurrence  to 
the  Napoleonic  era  was  necessary.  The  Governments  of  Europe 
for  a  half  century  had  been  improving  armaments,  and  chang- 
ing the  tactical  unit  of  formation  and  manoeuvre  to  correspond 
to  such  improvement.  The  Italian  campaign  of  Louis  Napo- 
leon established  some  advance  in  field  artillery,  but  the  supreme 
importance  of  breech-loaders  was  not  admitted  until  Sadowa, 
in  1866.  All  this  must  be  considered  in  determining  the  value 
of  McClellan's  work.  Taking  the  raw  material  intrusted  to 
him,  he  converted  it  into  a  great  military  machine,  complete  in 
all  its  parts,  fitted  for  its  intended  purpose.  Moreover,  he  re- 
sisted the  natural  impatience  of  his  Government  and  people, 
and  the  follies  of  politicians  and  newspapers,  and  for  months 
refused  to  put  his  machine  at  work  before  all  its  delicate  adjust- 
ments were  perfected.  Thus,  much  in  its  own  despite,  the 
North  obtained  armies  and  the  foundation  of  success.  The 
correctness  of  the  system  adopted  by  McClellan  proved  equal 
to  all  emergencies,  and  remained  unchanged  until  the  close  of 
the  war.  Disappointed  in  his  hands,  and  suffering  painful  de- 
feats in  those  of  his  immediate  successors,  the  "  Army  of  the 
Potomac "  always  recovered,  showed  itself  a  vital  organism, 
and  finally  triumphed.  McClellan  organized  victory  for  his 
section,  and  those  who  deem  the  preservation  of  the  "  Union  " 
the  first  of  earthly  duties  should  not  cease  to  do  him  rever- 
ence. 

I  have  here  written  of  McClellan,  not  as  a  leader,  but  an 
organizer  of  armies ;  and  as  such  he  deserves  to  rank  with  the 
Von  Moltkes,  Scharnhorsts,  and  Louvois  of  history. 

Constant  struggle  against  the  fatal  interference  of  politi- 
cians with  his  military  plans  and  duties  separated  McClellan 


OPENING  OF  THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN.  33 

from  the  civil  department  of  his  Government,  and  led  him  to 
adopt  a  policy  of  his  own.  The  military  road  to  Richmond, 
and  the  only  one  as  events  proved,  was  by  the  peninsula  and 
the  James  river,  and  it  was  his  duty  so  to  advise.  He  insisted, 
and  had  his  way ;  but  not  for  long.  A  little  of  that  selfishness 
which  serves  lower  intelligences  as  an  instinct  of  self-preserva- 
tion would  have  shown  him  that  his  most  dangerous  enemies 
were  not  in  his  front.  The  Administration  at  "Washington  had 
to  deal  with  a  people  blind  with  rage,  an  ignorant  and  meddle- 
some Congress,  and  a  wolfish  horde  of  place-hunters.  A  sud- 
den dash  of  the  Confederates  on  the  capital  might  change  the 
attitude  of  foreign  powers.  These  political  considerations 
weighed  heavily  at  the  seat  of  government,  but  were  of  small 
moment  to  the  military  commander.  In  a  conflict  between 
civil  policy  and  military  strategy,  the  latter  must  yield.  The 
jealousy  manifested  by  the  Yenetian  and  Dutch  republics  tow- 
ard their  commanders  has  often  been  criticised ;  but  it  should  be 
remembered  that  they  kept  the  military  in  strict  subjection  to 
the  civil  power;  and  when  they  were  overthrown,  it  was  by 
foreign  invasion,  not  by  military  usurpation.  Their  annals 
afford  no  example  of  the  declaration  by  their  generals  that  the 
special  purpose  of  republican  armies  is  to  preserve  civil  order 
and  enforce  civil  law. 

After  the  battle  of  Chickamauga,  in  1863,  General  Grant  was 
promoted  to  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States, 
and  called  to  Washington.  In  a  conference  between  him,  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  and  Secretary  Stanton,  the  approaching  campaign 
in  Virginia  was  discussed.  Grant  said  that  the  advance  on  Rich- 
mond should  be  made  by  the  James  river.  It  was  replied  that 
the  Government  required  the  interposition  of  an  army  between 
Lee  and  Washington,  and  could  not  consent  at  that  late  day  to 
the  adoption  of  a  plan  which  would  be  taken  by  the  public  as  a 
confession  of  previous  error.  Grant  observed  that  he  was  in- 
different as  to  routes ;  but  if  the  Government  preferred  its  own, 
so  often  tried,  to  the  one  he  suggested,  it  must  be  prepared  for 
the  additional  loss  of  a  hundred  thousand  men.  The  men  were 
promised,  Grant  accepted  the  governmental  plan  of  campaign, 
3 


34  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

and  was  supported  to  the  end.     The  above  came  to  me  well  au- 
thenticated, and  I  have  no  doubt  of  its  correctness.* 

*  Some  of  the  early  pages  of  this  work  were  published  in  the 
number  of  the  "North  American  Review"  for  January,  1878,  in- 
cluding the  above  account  of  a  conference  at  Washington  between 
President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Stanton,  and  General  Grant.     In  the 
"New  York  Herald"  of  May  27,  1878,  appears  an  interview  with 
General  Grant,  in  which  the  latter  says,  "  The  whole  story  is  a 
fabrication,  and  whoever  vouched  for  it  to  General  Taylor  vouched 
for  a  fiction."     General  Halleck,  who  was  at  the  time  in  question 
Chief  of  Staff  at  the  war  office,  related  the  story  of  this  conference 
to  me  in  New  Orleans,  where  he  was  on  a  visit  from  Louisville,  Ky., 
then  his  headquarters.   Several  years  later  General  Joseph  E.  John- 
ston gave  me  the  same  account,  which  he  had  from  another  officer 
of  the  United  States  Army,  also  at  the  time  in  the  war  office.     A 
letter  from  General  Johnston,  confirming  the  accuracy  of  my  rela- 
tion, has  been  published.     Since,  I  have  received  a  letter,  dated 
New  York,  June  6,  1878,  wherein  the  writer  states  that  in  Wash- 
ington, in  1868  or  1869,  he  had  an  account  of  this  conference,  as  I 
give  it,  from  General  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois.     When  calling 
for  reinforcements,  after  his  losses  in  the  Wilderness,  General 
Grant  reminded  Stanton  of  his  opposition  to  the  land  route  in  their 
conference,  but  added  that  "  he  would  now  fight  it  out  on  this  line 
if  it  takes  all  summer."    The  writer  of  this  communication  is  quite 
unknown  to  me,  but  manifests  his  sincerity  by  suggesting  that  I 
should  write  to  General  Logan,  who,  he  doubts  not,  will  confirm 
his  statement.     I  have  not  so  written,  because  I  have  no  acquaint- 
ance with  General  Logan,  and  no  desire  to  press  the  matter  further. 
From  many  sources  comes  evidence  that  a  conference  was  held, 
which  General  Grant  seems  to  deny.     Moreover,  I  cannot  forget 
that  in  one  notable  instance  a  question  of  fact  was  raised  against 
General  Grant,  with  much  burden  of  evidence  ;  and  while  declaim- 
ing any  wish  or  intent  of  entering  on  another,  one  may  hold  in  all 
charity  that  General  Grant's  memory  may  be  as  treacherous  about 
facts  as  mine  proved  about  a  date,  when,  in  a  letter  to  the  "  Her- 
ald," I  stupidly  gave  two  years  after  General  Halleck's  death  as 
the  time  of  his  conversation  with  me.     These  considerations  have 
determined  me  to  let  the  account  of  the  conference  stand  as  origi- 
nally written. 


OPENING  OF  THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN.  35 

During  his  operations  on  the  peninsula  and  near  Richmond, 
McClellan  complained  much  of  want  of  support ;  but  the  con- 
stancy with  which  President  Lincoln  adhered  to  him  was,  under 
the  circumstances,  surprising.  He  had  drifted  away  from  the 
dominant  Washington  sentiment,  and  alienated  the  sympathies 
of  his  Government.  His  fall  was  inevitable ;  the  affection  of 
the  army  but  hastened  it;  even  victory  could  not  save  him. 
He  adopted  the  habit  of  saying,  "My  army,"  "My  soldiers." 
Such  phraseology  may  be  employed  by  a  Frederick  or  Napoleon, 
sovereigns  as  well  as  generals ;  but  officers  command  the  armies 
of  their  governments.  General  McClellan  is  an  upright,  patri- 
otic man,  incapable  of  wrong-doing,  and  has  a  high  standard  of 
morality,  to  which  he  lives  more  closely  than  most  men  do-  to  a 
lower  one ;  but  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  examples  of  the 
good  are  temptations  and  opportunities  to  the  unscrupulous. 
The  habit  of  thought  underlying  such  language,  or  soon  engen- 
dered by  its  use,  has  made  Mexico  and  the  South  American  re- 
publics the  wonder  and  scorn  of  civilization. 

The  foregoing  account  of  McClellan's  downfall  is  deemed 
pertinent  because  he  was  the  central  figure  in  the  Northern  field, 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  Northern  success.  Above  all,  he  and 
a  gallant  band  of  officers  supporting  him  impressed  a  generous, 
chivalric  spirit  on  the  war,  which  soon  faded  away;  and  the 
future  historian,  in  recounting  some  later  operations,  will  doubt 
if  he  is  dealing  with  campaigns  of  generals  or  expeditions  of 
brigands. 

The  intention  of  McClellan  to  transfer  his  base  from  Wash- 
ington to  some  point  farther  south  was  known  to  Johnston,  but 
there  was  doubt  whether  Fredericksburg  or  the  Peninsula  would 
be  selected.  To  meet  either  contingency,  Johnston  in  the  spring 
of  1862  moved  his  army  from  Manassas  to  the  vicinity  of  Orange 
Court  House,  where  he  was  within  easy  reach  of  both  Fredericks- 
burg and  Richmond.  The  movement  was  executed  with  the 
quiet  precision  characteristic  of  Johnston,  unrivaled  as  a  master 
of  logistics. 

I  was  ordered  to  withdraw  the  infantry  pickets  from  the 
lower  Bull  Run  after  nightfall,  and  move  on  a  road  through  the 


36  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

county  of  Prince  William,  east  of  the  line  of  railway  from 
Manassas  to  Orange.  This  road  was  tough  and  heavy,  and  crossed 
by  frequent  streams,  affluents  of  the  neighboring  Potomac. 
These  furnished  occupation  and  instruction  to  a  small  body  of 
pioneers,  recently  organized,  while  the  difficulties  of  the  road 
drew  heavily  on  the  marching  capacity — or  rather  incapacity — 
of  the  men.  Straggling  was  then,  and  continued  throughout  to 
be,  the  vice  of  Southern  armies.  The  climate  of  the  South  was 
not  favorable  to  pedestrian  exercise,  and,  centaur-like,  its  inhab- 
itants, from  infancy  to  old  age,  passed  their  lives  on  horseback, 
seldom  walking  the  most  insignificant  distance.  When  brought 
into  the  field,  the  men  were  as  ignorant  of  the  art  of  marching 
as  babes,  and  required  for  their  instruction  the  same  patient,  un- 
wearied attention.  On  this  and  subsequent  marches  frequent 
halts  were  made,  to  enable  stragglers  to  close  up ;  and  I  set  the 
example  to  mounted  officers  of  riding  to  the  rear  of  the  column, 
to  encourage  the  weary  by  relieving  them  of  their  arms,  and 
occasionally  giving  a  footsore  fellow  a  cast  on  my  horse.  The 
men  appreciated  this  care  and  attention,  followed  advice  as  to 
the  fitting  of  their  shoes,  cold  bathing  of  feet,  and  healing  of 
abrasions,  and  soon  held  it  a  disgrace  to  fall  out  of  ranks.  Be- 
fore a  month  had  passed  the  brigade  learned  how  to  march,  and, 
in  the  Valley  with  Jackson,  covered  long  distances  without  leav- 
ing a  straggler  behind.  Indeed,  in  several  instances  it  emulated 
the  achievement  of  Crauford's  "  Light  Brigade,"  whose  wonder- 
ful march  to  join  Wellington  at  Talavera  remains  the  stoutest 
feat  of  modern  soldiership. 

Arrived  at  the  Rappahannock,  I  found  the  railway  bridge 
floored  for  the  passage  of  troops  and  trains.  The  army,  with 
the  exception  of  Ewell's  division,  composed  of  Elzey's,  Trim- 
ball's,  and  my  brigades,  had  passed  the  Papidan,  and  was  lying 
around  Orange  Court  House,  where  General  Johnston  had  his 
headquarters.  Some  horse,  under  Stuart,  remained  north  of  the 
Pappahannock,  toward  Manassas. 

For  the  first  time  Ewell  had  his  division  together  and  under 
his  immediate  command ;  and  as  we  remained  for  many  days 
between  the  rivers,  I  had  abundant  opportunities  for  studying 


OPENING  OF  THE  PENINSULAR   CAMPAIGN.  37 

the  original  character  of  "  Dick  Ewell."  We  had  known  each 
other  for  many  years,  but  now  our  friendship  and  intercourse 
became  close  and  constant.  Graduated  from  West  Point  in 
1S40,  Ewell  joined  the  1st  regiment  of  United  States  dragoons, 
and,  saving  the  Mexican  war,  in  which  he  served  with  such  dis- 
tinction as  a  young  cavalryman  could  gain,  his  whole  military 
life  had  been  passed  on  the  plains,  where,  as  he  often  asserted, 
he  had  learned  all  about  commanding  fifty  United  States  dra- 
goons, and  forgotten  everything  else.  In  this  he  did  himself 
injustice,  as  his  career  proves ;  but  he  was  of  a  singular  modesty. 
Bright,  prominent  eyes,  a  bomb-shaped,  bald  head,  and  a  nose 
like  that  of  Francis  of  Yalois,  gave  him  a  striking  resemblance 
to  a  woodcock ;  and  this  was  increased  by  a  bird-like  habit  of 
putting  his  head  on  one  side  to  utter  his  quaint  speeches.  He 
fancied  that  he  had  some  mysterious  internal  malady,  and  would 
eat  nothing  but  frumenty,  a  preparation  of  wheat;  and  his 
plaintive  way  of  talking  of  his  disease,  as  if  he  were  some  one 
else,  was  droll  in  the  extreme.  His  nervousness  prevented  him 
from  taking  regular  sleep,  and  he  passed  nights  curled  around  a 
camp-stool,  in  positions  to  dislocate  an  ordinary  person's  joints 
and  drive  the  "  caoutchouc  man  "  to  despair.  On  such  occa- 
sions, after  long  silence,  he  would  suddenly  direct  his  eyes  and 
nose  toward  me  with  "  General  Taylor  !  What  do  you  suppose 
President  Davis  made  me  a  major-general  for  ?  " — beginning 
with  a  sharp  accent  and  ending  with  a  gentle  lisp.  Superbly 
mounted,  he  was  the  boldest  of  horsemen,  invariably  leaving 
the  roads  to  take,  timber  and  water.  ISTo  follower  of  the 
"  Pytchley "  or  "  Quorn  "  could  have  lived  with  him  across 
country.  With  a  fine  tactical  eye  on  the  battle  field,  he  was 
never  content  with  his  own  plan  until  he  had  secured  the  ap- 
proval of  another's  judgment,  and  chafed  under  the  restraint  of 
command,  preparing  to  fight  with  the  skirmish  line.  On  two 
occasions  in  the  Valley,  during  the  temporary  absence  of  Jack- 
son from  the  front,  Ewell  summoned  me  to  his  side,  and  im- 
mediately rushed  forward  among  the  skirmishers,  where  some 
sharp  work  was  going  on.  Having  refreshed  himself,  he  re- 
turned with  the  hope  that  "  old  Jackson  would  not  catch  him 


38  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

at  it."  He  always  spoke  of  Jackson,  several  years  his  junior, 
as  "  old,"  and  told  me  in  confidence  that  he  admired  his  genius, 
but  was  certain  of  his  lunacy,  and  that  he  never  saw  one  of 
Jackson's  couriers  approach  without  expecting  an  order  to  as- 
sault the  north  pole. 

Later,  after  he  had  heard  Jackson  seriously  declare  that  he 
never  ate  pepper  because  it  produced  a  weakness  in  his  left  leg, 
he  was  confirmed  in  this  opinion.  "With  all  his  oddities,  per- 
haps in  some  measure  because  of  them,  Ewell  was  adored  by 
officers  and  men. 

Orders  from  headquarters  directed  all  surplus  provisions,  in 
the  country  between  the  Rappahannock  and  Rapidan,  to  be 
sent  south  of  the  latter  stream.  Executing  these  orders  strictly, 
as  we  daily  expected  to  rejoin  the  army,  the  division  began  to 
be  straitened  for  supplies.  The  commissary  of  my  brigade, 
Major  Davis,  was  the  very  pearl  of  commissaries.  Indefatigable 
in  discharge  of  duty,  he  had  as  fine  a  nose  for  bullocks  and 
bacon  as  Major  Monsoon  for  sherry.  The  commissaries  of  the 
other  brigades  were  less  efficient,  and  for  some  days  drew  ra- 
tions from  Davis  ;  but  it  soon  became  my  duty  to  take  care  of 
my  own  command,  and  General  Ewell's  attention  was  called  to 
the  subject.  The  General  thought  that  it  was  impossible  so 
rich  a  country  could  be  exhausted,  and  sallied  forth  on  a  cattle 
hunt  himself.  Late  in  the  day  he  returned  with  a  bull,  jaded 
as  was  he  of  Ballyraggan  after  he  had  been  goaded  to  the  sum- 
mit of  that  classic  pass,  and  venerable  enough  to  have  fertilized 
the  milky  mothers  of  the  herds  of  our  early  Presidents,  whose 
former  estates  lie  in  this  vicinity.  "With  a  triumphant  air  Ewell 
showed  me  his  plunder.  I  observed  that  the  bull  was  a  most 
respectable  animal,  but  would  hardly  afford  much  subsistence  to 
eight  thousand  men.  "  Ah !  I  was  thinking  of  my  fifty  dra- 
goons," replied  the  General.  The  joke  spread,  and  doubtless 
furnished  sauce  for  the  happy  few  to  whose  lot  the  bull  fell. 

Meantime,  the  cavalry  force  in  our  front  had  been  withdrawn, 
and  the  Federal  pickets  made  their  appearance  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  occasionally  exchanging  a  shot  with 
ours  across  the  stream.     This  served  to  enliven  us  for  a  day 


OPENING  OF  THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN.  39 

or  two,  and  kept  Ewell  busy,  as  lie  always  feared  lest  some  one 
would  get  under  fire  before  him.  At  length  a  fire  of  artillery 
and  small  arms  was  opened  from  the  north  end  of  the  bridge, 
near  the  south  end  of  which  my  brigade  was  camped.  Order- 
ing the  command  to  move  out,  I  galloped  down  to  the  river, 
where  I  found  Ewell  assisting  with  his  own  hands  to  place  some 
guns  in  position.  The  affair  was  over  in  a  few  minutes.  The 
enemy  had  quietly  run  up  two  pieces  of  artillery,  supported  by 
dismounted  horsemen,  and  opened  fire  on  my  camp ;  but  the 
promptness  with  which  the  men  had  moved  prevented  loss,  sav- 
ing one  or  two  brush  huts,  and  a  few  mess  pans. 

The  bridge  had  previously  been  prepared  for  burning,  Ewell's 
orders  being  to  destroy  all  railway  bridges  behind  him,  to  pre- 
vent the  use  of  the  rails  by  the  Federals.  During  the  little  alerte 
mentioned,  I  saw  smoke  rising  from  the  bridge,  which  was  soon 
a  mass  of  flame.  Now,  this  was  the  only  bridge  for  some  miles 
up  or  down ;  and  though  the  river  was  f  ordable  at  many  points, 
the  fords  were  deep  and  impassable  after  rains.  Its  premature 
destruction  not  only  prevented  us  from  scouting  and  foraging  on 
the  north  bank,  but  gave  notice  to  the  enemy  of  our  purpose  to 
abandon  the  country.  Annoyed,  and  doubtless  expressing  the 
feeling  in  my  countenance,  as  I  watched  the  flames,  Ewell,  after 
a  long  silence,  said,  "  You  don't  like  it."  Whereupon  I  related 
the  following  from  Bugeaud's  "  Maxims  "  :  At  the  close  of  the 
^Napoleonic  wars,  Bugeaud,  a  young  colonel,  commanded  a 
French  regiment  on  the  Swiss  frontier.  A  stream  spanned  by 
a  bridge,  but  f ordable  above  and  below,  separated  him  from  an 
Austrian  force  of  four  times  his  strength.  He  first  determined 
to  destroy  the  bridge,  but  reflected  that  if  left  it  might  tempt 
the  enemy,  whenever  he  moved,  to  neglect  the  fords.  Accord- 
ingly, he  masked  his  regiment  as  near  his  end  of  the  bridge  as 
the  topography  of  the  ground  permitted,  and  waited.  The 
Austrians  moved  by  the  bridge,  and  Bugeaud,  seizing  the  mo- 
ment, fell  upon  them  in  the  act  of  crossing  and  destroyed  the 
entire  force.  Moral :  'Tis  easier  to  watch  and  defend  one  bridge 
than  many  miles  of  f  ordable  water.  "  Why  did  you  keep  the 
story  until  the  bridge  was  burnt  ? "  exclaimed  Ewell.     Subse- 


40  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

quently,  alleging  that  lie  had  small  opportunity  for  study  after 
leaving  West  Point,  he  drew  from  me  whatever  some  reading 
and  a  good  memory  could  supply;  but  his  shrewd  remarks 
changed  many  erroneous  opinions  I  had  formed,  and  our 
"  talks  "  were  of  more  value  to  me  than  to  him. 

As  our  next  move,  hourly  expected,  would  take  us  beyond 
the  reach  of  railways,  I  here  reduced  the  brigade  to  light 
marching  order.  My  own  kit,  consisting  of  a  change  of  under- 
wear and  a  tent  "  fly,"  could  be  carried  on  my  horse.  A  fly  can 
be  put  up  in  a  moment,  and  by  stopping  the  weather  end  with 
boughs  a  comfortable  hut  is  made.  The  men  carried  each  his 
blanket,  an  extra  shirt  and  drawers,  two  pairs  of  socks  (woolen), 
and  a  pair  of  extra  shoes.  These,  with  his  arm  and  ammunition, 
were  a  sufficient  load  for  strong  marching.  Tents,  especially  in 
a  wooded  country,  are  not  only  a  nuisance,  involving  much  trans- 
portation, the  bane  of  armies,  but  are  detrimental  to  health. 
In  cool  weather  they  are  certain  to  be  tightly  closed,  and  the 
number  of  men  occupying  them  breeds  a  foul  atmosphere.  The 
rapidity  with  which  men  learn  to  shelter  themselves,  and  their 
ingenuity  in  accomplishing  it  under  unfavorable  conditions,  are 
surprising.  My  people  grumbled  no  little  at  being  "  stripped," 
but  soon  admitted  that  they  were  better  for  it,  and  came  to  des- 
pise useless  impedimenta. 

I  early  adopted  two  customs,  and  adhered  to  them  throughout 
the  war.  The  first  was  to  examine  at  every  halt  the  adjacent 
roads  and  paths,  their  direction  and  condition;  distances  of 
nearest  towns  and  cross-roads ;  the  country,  its  capacity  to  fur- 
nish supplies,  as  well  as  general  topography,  etc.,  all  of  which 
was  embodied  in  a  rude  sketch,  with  notes  to  impress  it  on  mem- 
ory. The  second  was  to  imagine  while  on  the  march  an  enemy 
before  me  to  be  attacked,  or  to  be  received  in  my  position,  and 
make  the  necessary  dispositions  for  either  contingency.  My 
imaginary  manoeuvres  were  sad  blunders,  but  I  corrected  them 
by  experience  drawn  from  actual  battles,  and  can  safely  affirm 
that  such  slight  success  as  I  had  in  command  was  due  to  these 
customs.  Assuredly,  a  knowledge  of  details  will  not  make  a 
great  general ;  but  there  can  be  no  greatness  in  war  without 


OPENING  OF  THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN.  41 

such  knowledge,  for  genius  is  but  a  capacity  to  grasp  and  apply 
details. 

These  observations  are  not  for  the  "  heaven-born,"  who  from 
their  closets  scan  with  eagle  glance  fields  of  battle,  whose  mighty 
pens  slay  their  thousands  and  their  tens  of  thousands,  and  in 
whose  "  Serbonian"  inkstands  "  armies  whole  "  disappear ;  but  it 
is  hoped  that  they  may  prove  useful  to  the  young  adopting  the 
profession  of  arms,  who  may  feel  assured  that  the  details  of  the 
art  of  war  afford  "  scope  and  verge  "  for  the  employment  of  all 
their  faculties.  Conscientious  study  will  not  perhaps  make  them 
great,  but  it  will  make  them  respectable ;  and  when  the  respon- 
sibility of  command  comes,  they  will  not  disgrace  their  flag, 
injure  their  cause,  nor  murder  their  men. 


OHAPTEE    V. 


THE    VALLEY    CAMPAIGN. 


At  length  the  expected  order  to  march  came,  and  we  moved 
south  to  Gordonsville.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  Madame  du 
Deffand,  Horace  "Walpole  writes  of  the  English  spring  as  "  com- 
ing in  with  its  accustomed  severity,"  and  such  was  our  experi- 
ence of  a  Virginian  spring ;  or  rather,  it  may  be  said  that  win- 
ter returned  with  renewed  energy,  and  we  had  for  several  days 
snow,  sleet,  rain,  and  all  possible  abominations  in  the  way  of 
weather.  Arrived  at  Gordonsville,  whence  the  army  had  de- 
parted for  the  Peninsula,  we  met  orders  to  join  Jackson  in  the 
Valley,  and  marched  thither  by  Swift  Eun  "  Gap  " — the  local 
name  for  mountain  passes.  Swift  Eun,  an  affluent  of  the  Eap- 
idan,  has  its  source  in  this  gap.  The  orders  mentioned  were  the 
last  received  from  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  from  whom 
subsequent  events  separated  me  until  the  close  of  the  war ;  and 
occasion  is  thus  furnished  for  the  expression  of  opinion  of  his 
character  and  services. 

In  the  full  vigor  of  mature  manhood,  erect,  alert,  quick,  and 
decisive  of  speech,  General  Johnston  was  the  beau  ideal  of  a 
soldier.  Without  the  least  proneness  to  blandishments,  he 
gained  and  held  the  affection  and  confidence  of  his  men. 
Brave  and  impetuous  in  action,  he  had  been  often  wounded, 
and  no  officer  of  the  general  staff  of  the  old  United  States 
army  had  seen  so  much  actual  service  with  troops.  During  the 
Mexican  war  he  was  permitted  to  take  command  of  a  voltigeur 
regiment,  and  rendered  brilliant  service.  In  1854  he  resigned 
from  the  engineers  to  accept  the  lieutenant-colonelcy  of  a  cav- 
alry regiment.    When  the  civil  war  became  certain,  a  Virginian 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN".  43 

by  birth,  he  left  the  position  of  Quartermaster-General  of  the 
United  States,  and  offered  his  sword  to  the  Confederacy.  To  the 
East,  as  his  great  namesake  Albert  Sidney  to  the  "West,  he  was 
"the  rose  and  fair  expectancy "  of  onr  cause;  and  his  timely 
march  from  Patterson's  front  in  the  Yalley  to  assist  Beauregard 
at  Manassas  confirmed  public  opinion  of  his  capacity.  Yet  he 
cannot  be  said  to  have  proved  a  fortunate  commander.  Leav- 
ing out  of  view  Bentonville  and  the  closing  scenes  in  North 
Carolina,  which  were  rather  the  spasmodic  efforts  of  despair 
than  regular  military  movements,  General  Johnston's  "  offen- 
sive "  must  be  limited  to  Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks.  Here  his 
plan  was  well  considered  and  singularly  favored  of  fortune. 
Some  two  corps  of  McClellan's  army  were  posted  on  the  south- 
west or  Richmond  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  a  sudden  rise 
of  that  stream  swept  away  bridges  and  overflowed  the  adjacent 
lowlands,  cutting  off  these  corps  from  their  supports.  They 
ought  to  have  been  crushed,  but  Johnston  fell,  severely  wound- 
ed ;  upon  which  confusion  ensued,  and  no  results  of  importance 
were  attained.  Official  reports  fail,  most  unwisely,  to  fix  the 
responsibility  of  the  failure,  and  I  do  not  desire  to  add  to  the 
gossip  prevailing  then  and  since. 

Prom  his  own  account  of  the  war  we  can  gather  that  John- 
ston regrets  he  did  not  fight  on  the  Oostenaula,  after  Polk  had 
joined  him.  It  appears  that  in  a  council  two  of  his  three  corps 
commanders,  Polk,  Hardee,  and  Hood,  were  opposed  to  fight- 
ing there ;  but  to  call  a  council  at  all  was  a  weakness  not  to  be 
expected  of  a  general  of  Johnston's  ability  and  self-reliant  nature. 

I  have  written  of  him  as  a  master  of  logistics,  and  his  skill 
in  handling  troops  was  great.  As  a  retreat,  the  precision  and 
coolness  of  his  movements  during  the  Georgia  campaign  would 
have  enhanced  the  reputation  of  Moreau ;  but  it  never  seems  to 
have  occurred  to  him  to  assume  the  offensive  during  the  many 
turning  movements  of  his  flanks,  movements  involving  time 
and  distance.  Dispassionate  reflection  would  have  brought  him 
to  the  conclusion  that  Lee  was  even  more  overweighted  in  Vir- 
ginia than  he  in  Georgia ;  that  his  Government  had  given  him 
every  available  man,  only  leaving  small  garrisons  at  Wilming- 


4£  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ton,  Charleston,  Savannah,  and  Mobile ;  that  Forrest's  com- 
mand in  Mississippi,  operating  on  Sherman's  communications, 
was  virtually  doing  his  work,  while  it  was  idle  to  expect  assist- 
ance from  the  trans-Mississippi  region.  Certainly,  no  more 
egregious  blunder  was  possible  than  that  of  relieving  him  from 
command  in  front  of  Atlanta.  If  he  intended  to  fight  there, 
he  was  entitled  to  execute  his  plan.  Had  he  abandoned  Atlanta 
without  a  struggle,  his  removal  would  have  met  the  approval 
of  the  army  and  public,  an  approval  which,  under  the  circum- 
stances of  its  action,  the  Richmond  Government  failed  to  re- 
ceive. 

I  am  persuaded  that  General  Johnston's  mind  was  so  jaun- 
diced by  the  unfortunate  disagreement  with  President  Davis, 
to  which  allusion  has  been  made  in  an  earlier  part  of  these 
reminiscences,  as  to  seriously  cloud  his  judgment  and  impair 
his  usefulness.  He  sincerely  believed  himself  the  Esau  of  the 
Government,  grudgingly  fed  on  bitter  herbs,  while  a  favored 
Jacob  enjoyed  the  fiesh-pots.  Having  known  him  intimately 
for  many  years,  having  served  under  his  command  and  studied 
his  methods,  I  feel  confident  that  his  great  abilities  under  hap- 
pier conditions  would  have  distinctly  modified,  if  not  changed, 
the  current  of  events.  Destiny  willed  that  Davis  and  John- 
ston should  be  brought  into  collision,  and  the  breach,  once  made, 
was  never  repaired.     Each  misjudged  the  other  to  the  end. 

Ewell's  division  reached  the  western  base  of  Swift  Run 
Gap  on  a  lovely  spring  evening,  April  30, 1862,  and  in  crossing 
the  Blue  Ridge  seemed  to  have  left  winter  and  its  rigors  be- 
hind. Jackson,  whom  we  moved  to  join,  had  suddenly  that 
morning  marched  toward  McDowell,  some  eighty  miles  west, 
where,  after  uniting  with  a  force  under  General  Edward  John- 
son, he  defeated  the  Federal  general  Milroy.  Some  days  later 
he  as  suddenly  returned.  Meanwhile  we  were  ordered  to  re- 
main in  camp  on  the  Shenandoah  near  Conrad's  store,  at  which 
place  a  bridge  spanned  the  stream. 

The  great  Yalley  of  Yirginia  was  before  us  in  all  its  beauty. 
Fields  of  wheat  spread  far  and  wide,  interspersed  with  wood- 
lands, bright  in  their  robes  of  tender  green.     Wherever  appro- 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  45 

priate  sites  existed,  quaint  old  mills,  with  turning  wheels,  were 
busily  grinding  the  previous  year's  harvest;  and  grove  and 
eminence  showed  comfortable  homesteads.  The  soft  vernal 
influence  shed  a  languid  grace  over  the  scene.  The  theatre  of 
war  in  this  region  was  from  Staunton  to  the  Potomac,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles,  with  an  average  width  of  some 
twenty-five  miles ;  and  the  Blue  Ridge  and  Alleghanies  bounded 
it  east  and  west.  Drained  by  the  Shenandoah  with  its  numer- 
ous affluents,  the  surface  was  nowhere  flat,  but  a  succession  of 
graceful  swells,  occasionally  rising  into  abrupt  hills.  Resting 
on  limestone,  the  soil  was  productive,  especially  of  wheat,  and 
the  underlying  rock  furnished  abundant  metal  for  the  construc- 
tion of  roads.  Railway  communication  was  limited  to  the  Vir- 
ginia Central,  which  entered  the  Valley  by  a  tunnel  east  of 
Staunton  and  passed  westward  through  that  town ;  to  the 
Manassas  Gap,  which  traversed  the  Blue  Ridge  at  the  pass  of 
that  name  and  ended  at  Strasburg ;  and  to  the  "Winchester  and 
Harper's  Ferry,  thirty  miles  long.  The  first  extended  to  Rich- 
mond by  Charlottesville  and  Gordonsville,  crossing  at  the  for- 
mer place  the  line  from  Washington  and  Alexandria  to  Lynch- 
burg; the  second  connected  Strasburg  and  Front  Royal,  in 
the  Valley,  with  the  same  line  at  Manassas  Junction ;  and  the 
last  united  with  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  at  Harper's  Ferry. 
Frequent  passes  or  gaps  in  the  mountains,  through  which  wagon 
roads  had  been  constructed,  afforded  easy  access  from  east 
and  west ;  and  pikes  were  excellent,  though  unmetaled  roads 
became  heavy  after  rains. 

But  the  glory  of  the  Valley  is  Massanutten.  Rising  ab- 
ruptly from  the  plain  near  Harrisonburg,  twenty-five  miles 
north  of  Staunton,  this  lovely  mountain  extends  fifty  miles, 
and  as  suddenly  ends  near  Strasburg.  Parallel  with  the  Blue 
Ridge,  and  of  equal  height,  its  sharp  peaks  have  a  bolder  and 
more  picturesque  aspect,  while  the  abruptness  of  its  slopes  gives 
the  appearance  of  greater  altitude.  Midway  of  Massanutten, 
a  gap  with  good  road  affords  communication  between  Newmar- 
ket and  Luray.  The  eastern  or  Luray  valley,  much  narrower 
than  the  one  west  of  Massanutten,  is  drained  by  the  east  branch 


4:8  DESTRUCTION  AKD  RECONSTRUCTION. 

of  tlie  Shenandoah,  which  is  joined  at  Front  Royal,  near  the 
northern  end  of  the  mountain,  by  its  western  affluent,  whence 
the  united  waters  flow  north,  at  the  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  to 
meet  the  Potomac  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  favored  region  were  worthy  of  their 
inheritance.  The  north  and  south  were  peopled  by  scions  of 
old  colonial  families,  and  the  proud  names  of  the  "  Old  Domin- 
ion" abounded.  In  the  central  counties  of  Rockingham  and 
Shenandoah  were  many  descendants  of  German  settlers.  These 
were  thrifty,  substantial  farmers,  and,  like  their  kinsmen  of 
Pennsylvania,  expressed  their  opulence  in  huge  barns  and  fat 
cattle.  The  devotion  of  all  to  the  Southern  cause  was  won- 
derful. Jackson,  a  Yalley  man  by  reason  of  his  residence  at 
Lexington,  south  of  Staunton,  was  their  hero  and  idol.  The 
women  sent  husbands,  sons,  lovers,  to  battle  as  cheerfully  as  to 
marriage  feasts.  ~No  oppression,  no  destitution  could  abate  their 
zeal.  Upon  a  march  I  was  accosted  by  two  elderly  sisters,  who 
told  me  they  had  secreted  a  large  quantity  of  bacon  in  a  well  on 
their  estate,  hard  by.  Federals  had  been  in  possession  of  the 
country,  and,  fearing  the  indiscretion  of  their  slaves,  they  had 
done  the  work  at  night  with  their  own  hands,  and  now  desired 
to  give  the  meat  to  their  people.  Wives  and  daughters  of  mill- 
ers, whose  husbands  and  brothers  were  in  arms,  worked  the 
mills  night  and  day  to  furnish  flour  to  their  soldiers.  To  the 
last,  women  would  go  distances  to  carry  the  modicum  of  food 
between  themselves  and  starvation  to  a  suffering  Confederate. 
Should  the  sons  of  Yirginia  ever  commit  dishonorable  acts, 
grim  indeed  will  be  their  reception  on  the  further  shores  of 
Styx.  They  can  expect  no  recognition  from  the  mothers  who 
bore  them. 

Ere  the  war  closed,  the  Yalley  was  ravaged  with  a  cruelty 
surpassing  that  inflicted  on  the  Palatinate  two  hundred  years 
ago.  That  foul  deed  smirched  the  fame  of  Louvois  and  Tu- 
renne,  and  public  opinion,  in  what  has  been  deemed  a  ruder 
age,  forced  an  apology  from  the  "  Grand  Monarque."  Yet  we 
have  seen  the  official  report  of  a  Federal  general  wherein  are 
recounted  the  many  barns,  mills,  and  other  buildings  destroyed, 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  47 

concluding  with  the  assertion  that  "  a  crow  flying  over  the  Val- 
ley must  take  rations  with  him."  In  the  opinion  of  the  admir- 
ers of  the  officer  making  this  report,  the  achievement  on  which 
it  is  based  ranks  with  Marengo.  Moreover,  this  same  officer, 
General  Sheridan,  many  years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  de- 
nounced several  hundred  thousands  of  his  fellow  citizens  as 
"  banditti,"  and  solicited  permission  of  his  Government  to  deal 
with  them  as  such.  May  we  not  well  ask  whether  religion, 
education,  science  and  art  combined  have  lessened  the  brutality 
of  man  since  the  days  of  "Wallenstein  and  Tilly  ? 

"While  in  camp  near  Conrad's  store,  the  7th  Louisiana,  Colo- 
nel Hays,  a  crack  regiment,  on  picket  down  stream,  had  a  spir- 
ited affair,  in  which  the  enemy  was  driven  with  the  loss  of  a 
score  of  prisoners.  Shortly  after,  for  convenience  of  supplies, 
I  was  directed  to  cross  the  river  and  camp  some  miles  to  the 
southwest.  The  command  was  in  superb  condition,  and  a  four- 
gun  battery  from  Bedford  county,  Virginia,  Captain  Bowyer, 
had  recently  been  added  to  it.  The  four  regiments,  6th,  7th, 
8th,  and  9  th  Louisiana,  would  average  above  eight  hundred 
bayonets.  Of  Wheat's  battalion  of  "  Tigers  "  and  the  7th  I 
have  written.  The  6th,  Colonel  Seymour,  recruited  in  ISTew 
Orleans,  was  composed  of  Irishmen,  stout,  hardy  fellows,  tur- 
bulent in  camp  and  requiring  a  strong  hand,  but  responding  to 
kindness  and  justice,  and  ready  to  follow  their  officers  to  the 
death.  The  9th,  Colonel  Stafford,  was  from  North  Louisiana. 
Planters  or  sons  of  planters,  many  of  them  men  of  fortune, 
soldiering  was  a  hard  task  to  which  they  only  became  recon- 
ciled by  reflecting  that  it  was  "  niddering  "  in  gentlemen  to 
assume  voluntarily  the  discharge  of  duties  and  then  shirk.  The 
8th,  Colonel  Kelly,  was  from  the  Attakapas — "  Acadians,"  the 
race  of  which  Longfellow  sings  in  "  Evangeline."  A  home- 
loving,  simple  people,  few  spoke  English,  fewer  still  had  ever 
before  moved  ten  miles  from  their  natal  cabanas  ;  and  the  war 
to  them  was  "  a  liberal  education,"  as  was  the  society  of  the  lady 
of  quality  to  honest  Dick  Steele.  They  had  all  the  light  gay- 
ety  of  the  Gaul,  and,  after  the  manner  of  their  ancestors,  were 
born  cooks.     A  capital  regimental  band  accompanied  them, 


48  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

and  whenever  weather  and  ground  permitted,  even  after  long 
marches,  they  would  waltz  and  "  polk  "  in  couples  with  as  much 
zest  as  if  their  arms  encircled  the  supple  waists  of  the  Celes- 
tines  and  Melazies  of  their  native  Teche.  The  Yalley  soldiers 
were  largely  of  the  Presbyterian  faith,  and  of  a  solemn,  pious 
demeanor,  and  looked  askant  at  the  caperings  of  my  Creoles, 
holding  them  to  be  "  devices  and  snares." 

The  brigade  adjutant,  Captain  (afterward  Colonel)  Eustace 
Surget,  who  remained  with  me  until  the  war  closed,  was  from 
Mississippi,  where  he  had  large  estates.  Without  the  slight- 
est military  training,  by  study  and  zeal,  he  soon  made  himself 
an  accomplished  staff  officer.  Of  singular  coolness  in  battle, 
he  never  blundered,  and,  though  much  exposed,  pulled  through 
without  a  scratch.  My  aide,  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  grandson 
of  General  Hamilton  of  South  Carolina,  was  a  cadet  in  his  sec- 
ond year  at  "West  Point  when  war  was  declared,  upon  which  he 
returned  to  his  State — a  gay,  cheery  lad,  with  all  the  pluck  of 
his  race. 

At  nightfall  of  the  second  day  in  this  camp,  an  order  came 
from  General  Jackson  to  join  him  at  Newmarket,  twenty  odd 
miles  north ;  and  it  was  stated  that  my  division  commander, 
Ewell,  had  been  apprised  of  the  order.  Our  position  was  near 
a  pike  leading  south  of  west  to  Harrisonburg,  whence,  to  gain 
Newmarket,  the  great  Yalley  pike  ran  due  north.  All  roads 
near  our  camp  had  been  examined  and  sketched,  and  among 
them  was  a  road  running  northwest  over  the  southern  foot-hills 
of  Massanutten,  and  joining  the  Yalley  pike  some  distance  to 
the  north  of  Harrisonburg.  It  was  called  the  Keazletown 
road,  from  a  little  German  village  on  the  flank  of  Massanutten ; 
and  as  it  was  the  hypothenuse  of  the  triangle,  and  reported 
good  except  at  two  points,  I  decided  to  take  it.  That  night  a 
pioneer  party  was  sent  forward  to  light  fires  and  repair  the  road 
for  artillery  and  trains.  Early  dawn  saw  us  in  motion,  with 
lovely  weather,  a  fairish  road,  and  men  in  high  health  and  spirits. 

Later  in  the  day  a  mounted  officer  was  dispatched  to  report 
our  approach  and  select  a  camp,  which  proved  to  be  beyond 
Jackson's  forces,  then  lying  in  the  fields  on  both  sides  of  the 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  49 

pike.  Over  three  thousand  strong,  neat  in  fresh  clothing  of 
gray  with  white  gaiters,  bands  playing  at  the  head  of  their  regi- 
ments, not  a  straggler,  bnt  every  man  in  his  place,  stepping  jaun- 
tily as  on  parade,  though  it  had  marched  twenty  miles  and  more, 
in  open  column  with  arms  at  "  right  shoulder  shift,"  and  rays 
of  the  declining  sun  flaming  on  polished  bayonets,  the  brigade 
moved  down  the  broad,  smooth  pike,  and  wheeled  on  to  its 
camping  ground.  Jackson's  men,  by  thousands,  had  gathered 
on  either  side  of  the  road  to  see  us  pass.  Indeed,  it  was  a  mar- 
tial sight,  and  no  man  with  a  spark  of  sacred  fire  in  his  heart 
but  would  have  striven  hard  to  prove  worthy  of  such  a  com- 
mand. 

After  attending  to  necessary  camp  details,  I  sought  Jackson, 
whom  I  had  never  met.  And  here  it  may  be  remarked  that  he 
then  by  no  means  held  the  place  in  public  estimation  which  he 
subsequently  attained.  His  Manassas  reputation  was  much  im- 
paired by  operations  in  the  Yalley,  to  which  he  had  been  sent 
after  that  action.  The  winter  march  on  Romney  had  resulted 
in  little  except  to  freeze  and  discontent  his  troops ;  which  discon- 
tent was  shared  and  expressed  by  the  authorities  at  Richmond) 
and  Jackson  resigned.  The  influence  of  Colonel  Alek  Boteler, 
seconded  by  that  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  induced  him  to 
withdraw  the  resignation.  At  Kernstown,  three  miles  south  of 
Winchester,  he  was  roughly  handled  by  the  Federal  General 
Shields,  and  only  saved  from  serious  disaster  by  the  failure  of 
that  officer  to  push  his  advantage,  though  Shields  was  usually 
energetic. 

The  mounted  officer  who  had  been  sent  on  in  advance  point- 
ed out  a  figure  perched  on  the  topmost  rail  of  a  fence  overlook- 
ing the  road  and  field,  and  said  it  was  Jackson.  Approaching, 
I  saluted  and  declared  my  name  and  rank,  then  waited  for  a 
response.  Before  this  came  I  had  time  to  see  a  pair  of  cavalry 
boots  covering  feet  of  gigantic  size,  a  mangy  cap  with  visor 
drawn  low,  a  heavy,  dark  beard,  and  weary  eyes — eyes  I  after- 
ward saw  filled  with  intense  but  never  brilliant  light.  A  low, 
gentle  voice  inquired  the  road  and  distance  marched  that  day. 
"  Keazletown  road,  six  and  twenty  miles."  "  You,  seem  to  have. 
4 


50  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

no  stragglers."  "  Never  allow  straggling."  "  You  must  teach 
my  people ;  they  straggle  badly."  A  bow  in  reply.  Just  then 
my  Creoles  started  their  band  and  a  waltz.  After  a  contempla- 
tive suck  at  a  lemon,  "  Thoughtless  fellows  for  serious  work " 
came  forth.  I  expressed  a  hope  that  the  work  would  not  be 
less  well  done  because  of  the  gayety.  A  return  to  the  lemon 
gave  me  the  opportunity  to  retire.  Where  Jackson  got  his 
lemons  "  no  fellow  could  find  out,"  but  he  was  rarely  without 
one.  To  have  lived  twelve  miles  from  that  fruit  would  have 
disturbed  him  as  much  as  it  did  the  witty  Dean. 

Quite  late  that  night  General  Jackson  came  to  my  camp  fire, 
where  he  stayed  some  hours.  He  said  we  would  move  at  dawn, 
asked  a  few  questions  about  the  marching  of  my  men,  which 
seemed  to  have  impressed  him,  and  then  remained  silent.  If 
silence  be  golden,  he  was  a  "  bonanza."  He  sucked  lemons,  ate 
hard-tack,  and  drank  water,  and  praying  and  fighting  appeared 
to  be  his  idea  of  the  "  whole  duty  of  man." 

In  the  gray  of  the  morning,  as  I  was  forming  my  column 
on  the  pike,  Jackson  appeared  and  gave  the  route — north — 
which,  from  the  situation  of  its  camp,  put  my  brigade  in  ad- 
vance of  the  army.  After  moving  a  short  distance  in  this 
direction,  the  head  of  the  column  was  turned  to  the  east  and 
took  the  road  over  Massanutten  gap  to  Luray.  Scarce  a  word 
was  spoken  on  the  march,  as  Jackson  rode  with  me.  From 
time  to  time  a  courier  would  gallop  up,  report,  and  return 
toward  Luray.  An  ungraceful  horseman,  mounted  on  a  sorry 
chestnut  with  a  shambling  gait,  his  huge  feet  with  outturned 
toes  thrust  into  his  stirrups,  and  such  parts  of  his  countenance 
as  the  low  visor  of  his  shocking  cap  failed  to  conceal  wearing  a 
wooden  look,  our  new  commander  was  not  prepossessing.  That 
night  we  crossed  the  east  branch  of  the  Shenandoah  by  a  bridge, 
and  camped  on  the  stream,  near  Luray.  Here,  after  three  long 
marches,  we  were  but  a  short  distance  below  Conrad's  store,  a 
point  we  had  left  several  days  before.  I  began  to  think  that 
Jackson  was  an  unconscious  poet,  and,  as  an  ardent  lover  of  na- 
ture, desired  to  give  strangers  an  opportunity  to  admire  the 
beauties  of  his  Yalley.     It  seemed  hard  lines  to  be  wandering 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  51 

like  sentimental  travelers  about  the  country,  instead  of  gaining 
"  kudos  "  on  the  Peninsula. 

Off  the  next  morning,  my  command  still  in  advance,  and 
Jackson  riding  with  me.  The  road  led  north  between  the  east 
bank  of  the  river  and  the  western  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 
Rain  had  fallen  and  softened  it,  so  as  to  delay  the  wagon  trains 
in  rear.  Past  midday  we  reached  a  wood  extending  from  the 
mountain  to  the  river,  when  a  mounted  officer  from  the  rear 
called  Jackson's  attention,  who  rode  back  with  him.  A  moment 
later,  there  rushed  out  of  the  wood  to  meet  us  a  young,  rather 
well-looking  woman,  afterward  widely  known  as  Belle  Boyd. 
Breathless  with  speed  and  agitation,  some  time  elapsed  before 
she  found  her  voice.  Then,  with  much  volubility,  she  said  we 
were  near  Front  Royal,  beyond  the  wood ;  that  the  town  was 
filled  with  Federals,  whose  camp  was  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  where  they  had  guns  in  position  to  cover  the  wagon  bridge, 
but  none  bearing  on  the  railway  bridge  below  the  former ;  that 
they  believed  Jackson  to  be  west  of  Massanutten,  near  Harri- 
sonburg ;  that  General  Banks,  the  Federal  commander,  was  at 
Winchester,  twenty  miles  northwest  of  Front  Royal,  where  he 
was  slowly  concentrating  his  widely  scattered  forces  to  meet  Jack- 
son's advance,  which  was  expected  some  days  later.  All  this 
she  told  with  the  precision  of  a  staff  officer  making  a  report, 
and  it  was  true  to  the  letter.  Jackson  was  possessed  of  these 
facts  before  he  left  Newmarket,  and  based  his  movements  upon 
them ;  but,  as  he  never  told  anything,  it  was  news  to  me,  and 
gave  me  an  idea  of  the  strategic  value  of  Massanutten — pointed 
out,  indeed,  by  "Washington  before  the  Revolution.  There  also 
dawned  on  me  quite  another  view  of  our  leader  than  the  one 
from  which  I  had  been  regarding  him  for  two  days  past. 

Convinced  of  the  correctness  of  the  woman's  statements,  I 
hurried  forward  at  "  a  double,"  hoping  to  surprise  the  enemy's 
idlers  in  the  town,  or  swarm  over  the  wagon  bridge  with  them 
and  secure  it.  Doubtless  this  was  rash,  but  I  felt  immensely 
"  cocky "  about  my  brigade,  and  believed,  that  it  would  prove 
equal  to  any  demand.  Before  we  had  cleared  the  wood  Jackson 
came  galloping  from  the  rear,  followed  by  a  company  of  horse. 


52  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

He  ordered  me  to  deploy  my  leading  regiment  as  skirmishers 
on  both  sides  of  the  road  and  continue  the  advance,  then  passed 
on.  "We  speedily  came  in  sight  of  Front  Royal,  but  the  enemy 
had  taken  the  alarm,  and  his  men  were  scurrying  over  the  bridge 
to  their  camp,  where  troops  could  be  seen  forming.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  village  is  surpassingly  beautiful.  It  lies  near  the 
east  bank  of  the  Shenandoah,  which  just  below  unites  all  its 
waters,  and  looks  directly  on  the  northern  peaks  of  Massanutten. 
The  Blue  Ridge,  with  Manassas  Gap,  through  which  passes  the 
railway,  overhangs  it  on  the  east ;  distant  Alleghany  bounds  the 
horizon  to  the  west ;  and  down  the  Shenandoah,  the  eye  ranges 
over  a  fertile,  well-farmed  country.  Two  bridges  spanned  the 
river — a  wagon  bridge  above,  a  railway  bridge  some  yards  lower. 
A  good  pike  led  to  "Winchester,  twenty  miles,  and  another  fol- 
lowed the  river  north,  whence  many  cross-roads  united  with  the 
Valley  pike  near  "Winchester.  The  river,  swollen  by  rain,  was 
deep  and  turbulent,  with  a  strong  current.  The  Federals  were 
posted  on  the  west  bank,  here  somewhat  higher  than  the  oppo- 
site, and  a  short  distance  above  the  junction  of  waters,  with  bat- 
teries bearing  more  especially  on  the  upper  bridge. 

Under  instructions,  my  brigade  was  drawn  up  in  line,  a  little 
retired  from  the  river,  but  overlooking  it — the  Federals  and 
their  guns  in  full  view.  So  far,  not  a  shot  had  been  fired.  I 
rode  down  to  the  river's  brink  to  get  a  better  look  at  the  enemy 
through  a  field-glass,  when  my  horse,  heated  by  the  march, 
stepped  into  the  water  to  drink.  Instantly  a  brisk  fire  was 
opened  on  me,  bullets  striking  all  around  and  raising  a  little 
shower-bath.  Like  many  a  foolish  fellow,  I  found  it  easier  to 
get  into  than  out  of  a  difficulty.  I  had  not  yet  led  my  command 
into  action,  and,  remembering  that  one  must  "  strut "  one's  little 
part  to  the  best  advantage,  sat  my  horse  with  all  the  com- 
posure I  could  muster.  A  provident  camel,  on  the  eve  of  a 
desert  journey,  would  not  have  laid  in  a  greater  supply  of  water 
than  did  my  thoughtless  beast.  At  last  he  raised  his  head,  looked 
placidly  around,  turned,  and  walked  up  the  bank. 

This  little  incident  was  not  without  value,  for  my  men  wel- 
comed me  with  a  cheer ;  upon  which,  as  if  in  response,  the  ene- 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  53 

my's  guns  opened,  and,  having  the  range,  inflicted  some  loss  on 
my  line.  "We  had  no  guns  up  to  reply,  and,  in  advance  as  has 
been  mentioned,  had  outmarched  the  troops  behind  us.  Motion- 
less as  a  statue,  Jackson  sat  his  horse  some  few  yards  away,  and 
seemed  lost  in  thought.  Perhaps  the  circumstances  mentioned 
some  pages  back  had  obscured  his  star ;  but  if  so,  a  few  short 
hours  swept  away  the  cloud,  and  it  blazed,  Sirius-like,  over 
the  land.  I  approached  him  with  the  suggestion  that  the  rail- 
way bridge  might  be  passed  by  stepping  on  the  cross-ties,  as  the 
enemy's  guns  bore  less  directly  on  it  than  on  the  upper  bridge. 
He  nodded  approval.  The  8th  regiment  was  on  the  right  of 
my  line,  near  at  hand ;  and  dismounting,  Colonel  Kelly  led  it 
across  under  a  sharp  musketry  fire.  Several  men  fell  to  dis- 
appear in  the  dark  water  beneath ;  but  the  movement  continued 
with  great  rapidity,  considering  the  difficulty  of  walking  on  ties, 
and  Kelly  with  his  leading  files  gained  the  opposite  shore. 
Thereupon  the  enemy  fired  combustibles  previously  placed  near 
the  center  of  the  wagon  bridge.  The  loss  of  this  structure 
would  have  seriously  delayed  us,  as  the  railway  bridge  was  not 
floored,  and  I  looked  at  Jackson,  who,  near  by,  was  watching 
Kelly's  progress.  Again  he  nodded,  and  my  command  rushed 
at  the  bridge.  Concealed  by  the  cloud  of  smoke,  the  sudden- 
ness of  the  movement  saved  us  from  much  loss;  but  it  was 
rather  a  near  thing.  My  horse  and  clothing  were  scorched,  and 
many  men  burned  their  hands  severely  while  throwing  brands 
into  the  river.  We  were  soon  over,  and  the  enemy  in  full  flight 
to  Winchester,  with  loss  of  camp,  guns,  and  prisoners.  Just  as 
I  emerged  from  flames  and  smoke,  Jackson  was  by  my  side. 
How  he  got  there  was  a  mystery,  as  the  bridge  was  thronged 
with  my  men  going  at  full  speed  ;  but  smoke  and  fire  had  de- 
cidedly freshened  up  his  costume. 

In  the  angle  formed  by  the  two  branches  of  the  river  was 
another  camp  held  by  a  Federal  regiment  from  Maryland.  This 
was  captured  by  a  gallant  little  regiment  of  Marylanders,  Col- 
onel Bradley  Johnson,  on  our  side.  I  had  no  connection  with 
this  spirited  affair,  saving  that  these  Marylanders  had  acted 
with  my  command  during  the  day,  though  not  attached  to  it. 


54  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

We  followed  the  enemy  on  the  "Winchester  road,  but  to  little 
purpose,  as  we  had  few  horsemen  over  the  river.  Carried  away 
by  his  ardor,  my  commissary,  Major  Davis,  gathered  a  score  of 
mounted  orderlies  and  couriers,  and  pursued  until  a  volley  from 
the  enemy's  rear  guard  laid  him  low  on  the  road,  shot  through 
the  head.  During  my  service  west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  I 
sent  for  the  colonel  of  a  mounted  regiment  from  western  Texas, 
a  land  of  herdsmen,  and  asked  him  if  he  could  furnish  men  to 
hunt  and  drive  in  cattle.  "  "Why !  bless  you,  sir,  I  have  men 
who  can  find  cattle  where  there  aint  any"  was  his  reply. 
"Whatever  were  poor  Davis's  abilities  as  to  non-existent  supplies, 
he  could  find  all  the  country  afforded,  and  had  a  wonderful  way 
of  cajoling  old.  women  out  of  potatoes,  cabbages,  onions,  and 
other  garden  stuff,  giving  variety  to  camp  rations,  and  of  no 
small  importance  in  preserving  the  health  of  troops.  "We  buried 
him  in  a  field  near  the  place  of  his  fall.  He  was  much  beloved 
by  the  command,  and  many  gathered  quietly  around  the  grave. 
As  there  was  no  chaplain  at  hand,  I  repeated  such  portions  ot 
the  service  for  the  dead  as  a  long  neglect  of  pious  things  en- 
abled me  to  recall. 

Late  in  the  night  Jackson  came  out  of  the  darkness  and 
seated  himself  by  my  camp  fire.  He  mentioned  that  I  would 
move  with  him  in  the  morning,  then  relapsed  into  silence.  I 
fancied  he  looked  at  me  kindly,  and  interpreted  it  into  an  ap- 
proval of  the  conduct  of  the  brigade.  The  events  of  the  day, 
anticipations  of  the  morrow,  the  death  of  Davis,  drove  away 
sleep,  and  I  watched  Jackson.  For  hours  he  sat  silent  and  mo- 
tionless, with  eyes  fixed  on  the  fire.  I  took  up  the  idea  that  he 
was  inwardly  praying,  and  he  remained  throughout  the  night. 

Off  in  the  morning,  Jackson  leading  the  way,  my  brigade,  a 
small  body  of  horse,  and  a  section  of  the  Rockbridge  (Virginia) 
artillery  forming  the  column.  Major  "Wheat,  with  his  battalion 
of  "  Tigers,"  was  directed  to  keep  close  to  the  guns.  Sturdy 
marchers,  they  trotted  along  with  the  horse  and  artillery  at 
Jackson's  heels,  and  after  several  hours  were  some  distance  in 
advance  of  the  brigade,  with  which  I  remained. 

A  volley  in  front,  followed  by  wild  cheers,  stirred  us  up  to 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  55 

a  "  double,"  and  we  speedily  came  upon  a  moving  spectacle. 
Jackson  had  struck  the  Yalley  pike  at  Middletown,  twelve  miles 
south  of  Winchester,  along  which  a  large  body  of  Federal  horse, 
with  many  wagons,  was  hastening  north.  He  had  attacked  at 
once  with  his  handful  of  men,  overwhelmed  resistance,  and  cap- 
tured prisoners  and  wagons.  The  gentle  Tigers  were  looting 
right  merrily,  diving  in  and  out  of  wagons  with  the  activity  of 
rabbits  in  a  warren ;  but  this  occupation  was  abandoned  on  my 
approach,  and  in  a  moment  they  were  in  line,  looking  as  solemn 
and  virtuous  as  deacons  at  a  funeral.  Prisoners  and  spoil  were 
promptly  secured.  The  horse  was  from  New  England,  a  section 
in  which  horsemanship  was  an  unknown  art,  and  some  of  the 
riders  were  strapped  to  their  steeds.  Ordered  to  dismount,  they 
explained  their  condition,  and  were  given  time  to  unbuckle. 
Many  breastplates  and  other  protective  devices  were  seen  here, 
and  later  at  Winchester.  We  did  not  know  whether  the  Fed- 
erals had  organized  cuirassiers,  or  were  recurring  to  the  customs 
of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  I  saw  a  poor  fellow  lying  dead  on  the 
pike,  pierced  through  breastplate  and  body  by  a  rifle  ball. 
Iron-clad  men  are  of  small  account  before  modern  weapons. 

A  part  of  the  Federal  column  had  passed  north  before  Jack- 
son reached  the  pike,  and  this,  with  his  mounted  men,  he  pur- 
sued. Something  more  than  a  mile  to  the  south  a  road  left  the 
pike  and  led  directly  west,  where  the  Federal  General  Fremont, 
of  whom  we  shall  hear  more,  commanded  "  the  Mountain  De- 
partment." Attacked  in  front,  as  described,  a  body  of  Federals, 
horse,  artillery,  and  infantry,  with  some  wagons,  took  this  road, 
and,  after  moving  a  short  distance,  drew  up  on  a  crest,  with  un- 
limbered  guns.  Their  number  was  unknown,  and  for  a  moment 
they  looked  threatening.  The  brigade  was  rapidly  formed  and 
marched  straight  upon  them,  when  their  guns  opened.  A  shell 
knocked  over  several  men  of  the  7th  regiment,  and  a  second,  as 
I  rode  forward  to  an  eminence  to  get  a  view,  struck  the  ground 
under  my  horse  and  exploded.  The  saddle  cloth  on  both  sides 
was  torn  away,  and  I  and  Adjutant  Surget,  who  was  just  behind 
me,  were  nearly  smothered  with  earth ;  but  neither  man  nor 
horse  received  a  scratch.     The  enemy  soon  limbered  up  and 


56  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

fled  west.  By  some  well-directed  shots,  as  they  crossed  a  hill, 
our  guns  sent  wagons  flying  in  the  air,  with  which  "  P.  P.  C.  " 
we  left  them  and  marched  north. 

At  dusk  we  overtook  Jackson,  pushing  the  enemy  with  his 
little  mounted  force,  himself  in  advance  of  all.  I  rode  with 
him,  and  we  kept  on  through  the  darkness.  There  was  not  re- 
sistance enough  to  deploy  infantry.  A  flash,  a  report,  and  a 
whistling  bullet  from  some  covert  met  us,  but  there  were  few 
casualties.  I  quite  remember  thinking  at  the  time  that  Jackson 
was  invulnerable,  and  that  persons  near  him  shared  that  quality. 
An  officer,  riding  hard,  overtook  us,  who  proved  to  be  the  chief 
quartermaster  of  the  army.  He  reported  the  wagon  trains  far 
behind,  impeded  by  a  bad  road  in  Luray  Valley.  "  The  ammu- 
nition wagons  ? "  sternly.  "  All  right,  sir.  They  were  in  ad- 
vance, and  I  doubled  teams  on  them  and  brought  them  through." 
"  Ah  ! "  in  a  tone  of  relief. 

To  give  countenance  to  this  quartermaster,  if  such  can  be 
given  of  a  dark  night,  I  remarked  jocosely :  "  Never  mind  the 
wagons.  There  are  quantities  of  stores  in  "Winchester,  and  the , 
General  has  invited  me  to  breakfast  there  to-morrow." 

Jackson,  who  had  no  more  capacity  for  jests  than  a  Scotch- 
man, took  this  seriously,  and  reached  out  to  touch  me  on  the 
arm.  In  fact,  he  was  of  Scotch-Irish  descent,  and  his  uncon- 
sciousness of  jokes  was  de  race.  Without  physical  wants  him- 
self, he  forgot  that  others  were  differently  constituted,  and  paid 
little  heed  to  commissariat ;  but  woe  to  the  man  who  failed  to 
bring  up  ammunition !  In  advance,  his  trains  were  left  far  be- 
hind.    In  retreat,  he  would  fight  for  a  wheelbarrow. 

Some  time  after  midnight,  by  roads  more  direct  from  Front 
Uoyal,  other  troops  came  on  the  pike,  and  I  halted  my  jaded 
people  by  the  roadside,  where  they  built  fires  and  took  a  turn 
at  their  haversacks. 

Moving  with  the  first  light  of  morning,  we  came  to  Kerns- 
town,  three  miles  from  Winchester,  and  the  place  of  Jackson's 
fight  with  Shields.  Here  heavy  and  sustained  firing,  artillery 
and  small  arms,  was  heard.  A  staff  officer  approached  at  full 
speed  to  summon  me  to  Jackson's  presence  and  move  up  my 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN".  57 

command.  A  gallop  of  a  mile  or  more  brought  me  to  him. 
Winchester  was  in  sight,  a  mile  to  the  north.  To  the  east 
Ewell  with  a  large  part  of  the  army  was  fighting  briskly  and 
driving  the  enemy  on  to  the  town.  On  the  west  a  high  ridge, 
overlooking  the  country  to  the  south  and  southeast,  was  occupied 
by  a  heavy  mass  of  Federals  with  guns  in  position.  Jackson 
was  on  the  pike,  and  near  him  were  several  regiments  lying 
down  for  shelter,  as  the  fire  from  the  ridge  was  heavy  and 
searching.  A  Virginian  battery,  Rockbridge  artillery,  was 
fighting  at  a  great  disadvantage,  and  already  much  cut  up. 
Poetic  authority  asserts  that  "  Old  Yirginny  never  tires,"  and 
the  conduct  of  this  battery  justified  the  assertion  of  the  muses. 
With  scarce  a  leg  or  wheel  for  man  and  horse,  gun  or  caisson,  to 
stand  on,  it  continued  to  hammer  away  at  the  crushing  fire 
above. 

Jackson,  impassive  as  ever,  pointed  to  the  ridge  and  said, 
"  You  must  carry  it."  I  replied  that  my  command  would  be 
up  by  the  time  I  could  inspect  the  ground,  and  rode  to  the  left 
for  that  purpose.  A  small  stream,  Abraham's  creek,  flowed 
from  the  west  through  the  little  vale  at  the  southern  base  of  the 
ridge,  the  ascent  of  which  was  steep,  though  nowhere  abrupt. 
At  one  point  a  broad,  shallow,  trough-like  depression  broke  the 
surface,  which  was  further  interrupted  by  some  low  copse,  out- 
cropping stone,  and  two  fences.  On  the  summit  the  Federal 
lines  were  posted  behind  a  stone  wall,  along  a  road  coming  west 
from  the  pike.  Worn  somewhat  into  the  soil,  this  road  served 
as  a  countersink  and  strengthened  the  position.  Further  west, 
there  was  a  break  in  the  ridge,  which  was  occupied  by  a  body 
of  horse,  the  extreme  right  of  the  enemy's  line. 

There  was  scarce  time  to  mark  these  features  before  the  head 
of  my  column  appeared,  when  it  was  filed  to  the  left,  close  to 
the  base  of  the  ridge,  for  protection  from  the  plunging  fire. 
Meanwhile,  the  Rockbridge  battery  held  on  manfully  and  en- 
gaged the  enemy's  attention.  Riding  on  the  flank  of  my  col- 
umn, between  it  and  the  hostile  line,  I  saw  Jackson  beside  me. 
This  was  not  the  place  for  the  commander  of  the  army,  and  I 
ventured  to  tell  him  so ;  but  he  paid  no  attention  to  the  remark. 


58  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

We  reached  the  shallow  depression  spoken  of,  where  the  enemy 
could  depress  his  guns,  and  his  fire  became  close  and  fatal. 
Many  men  fell,  and  the  whistling  of  shot  and  shell  occasioned 
much  ducking  of  heads  in  the  column.  This  annoyed  me  no 
little,  as  it  was  but  child's  play  to  the  work  immediately  in  hand. 
Always  an  admirer  of  delightful  "  Uncle  Toby,"  I  had  contracted 
the  most  villainous  habit  of  his  beloved  army  in  Flanders,  and, 
forgetting  Jackson's  presence,  ripped  out,  "What  the  h —  are 
you  dodging  for  ?  If  there  is  any  more  of  it,  you  will  be  halted 
under  this  fire  for  an  hour."  The  sharp  tones  of  a  familiar  voice 
produced  the  desired  effect,  and  the  men  looked  as  if  they  had 
swallowed  ramrods ;  but  I  shall  never  forget  the  reproachful 
surprise  expressed  in  Jackson's  face.  He  placed  his  hand  on 
my  shoulder,  said  in  a  gentle  voice,  "  I  am  afraid  you  are  a 
wicked  fellow,"  turned,  and  rode  back  to  the  pike. 

The  proper  ground  gained,  the  column  faced  to  the  front 
and  began  the  ascent.  At  the  moment  the  sun  rose  over  the 
Blue  Ridge,  without  cloud  or  mist  to  obscure  his  rays.  It  was 
a  lovely  Sabbath  morning,  the  25th  of  May,  1862.  The  clear, 
pure  atmosphere  brought  the  Blue  Ridge  and  Alleghany  and 
Massanutten  almost  overhead.  Even  the  cloud  of  murderous 
smoke  from  the  guns  above  made  beautiful  spirals  in  the  air, 
and  the  broad  fields  of  luxuriant  wheat  glistened  with  dew.  It 
is  remarkable  how,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  absorbing  cares, 
one's  attention  may  be  fixed  by  some  insignificant  object,  as 
mine  was  by  the  flight  past  the  line  of  a  bluebird,  one  of  the 
brightest-plumaged  of  our  feathered  tribes,  bearing  a  worm  in 
his  beak,  breakfast  for  his  callow  brood.  Birdie  had  been  on 
the  war  path,  and  was  carrying  home  spoil. 

As  we  mounted  we  came  in  full  view  of  both  armies,  whose 
efforts  in  other  quarters  had  been  slackened  to  await  the  result 
of  our  movement.  I  felt  an  anxiety  amounting  to  pain  for  the 
brigade  to  acquit  itself  handsomely ;  and  this  feeling  was  shared 
by  every  man  in  it.  About  half  way  up,  the  enemy's  horse 
from  his  right  charged  ;  and  to  meet  it,  I  directed  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  JSTicholls,  whose  regiment,  the  8th,  was  on  the  left,  to 
withhold  slightly  his  two  flank  companies.      By  one  volley, 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  59 

which  emptied  some  saddles,  Meholls  drove  off  the  horse,  but 
■was  soon  after  severely  wounded.  Progress  was  not  stayed  by 
this  incident.  Closing  the  many  gaps  made  by  the  fierce  fire, 
steadied  the  rather  by  it,  and  preserving  an  alignment  that 
would  have  been  creditable  on  parade,  the  brigade,  with  ca- 
denced  step  and  eyes  on  the  foe,  swept  grandly  over  copse  and 
ledge  and  fence,  to  crown  the  heights  from  which  the  enemy 
had  melted  away.  Loud  cheers  went  up  from  our  army,  pro- 
longed to  the  east,  where  warm-hearted  Ewell  cheered  himself 
hoarse,  and  led  forward  his  men  with  renewed  energy.  In 
truth,  it  was  a  gallant  feat  of  arms,  worthy  of  the  pen  of  him 
who  immortalized  the  charge  of  the  "  Buffs  "  at  Albuera. 

Breaking  into  column,  we  pursued  closely.  Jackson  came 
up  and  grasped  my  hand,  worth  a  thousand  words  from  another, 
and  we  were  soon  in  the  streets  of  Winchester,  a  quaint  old 
town  of  some  five  thousand  inhabitants.  There  was  a  little 
fighting  in  the  streets,  but  the  people  were  all  abroad — certainly 
all  the  women  and  babies.  They  were  frantic  with  delight, 
only  regretting  that  so  many  "Yankees"  had  escaped,  and 
seriously  impeded  our  movements.  A  buxom,  comely  dame  of 
some  five  and  thirty  summers,  with  bright  eyes  and  tight  ankles, 
and  conscious  of  these  advantages,  was  especially  demonstrative, 
exclaiming,  "  Oh !  you  are  too  late — too  late  ! "  Whereupon, 
a  tall  Creole  from  the  Teche  sprang  from  the  ranks  of  the  8th 
regiment,  just  passing,  clasped  her  in  his  arms,  and  imprinted 
a  sounding  kiss  on  her  ripe  lips,  with  "  Madame !  je  n'arrive 
jamais  trop  tard."  A  loud  laugh  followed,  and  the  dame,  with 
a  rosy  face  but  merry  twinkle  in  her  eye,  escaped. 

Past  the  town,  we  could  see  the  Federals  flying  north  on 
the  Harper's  Ferry  and  Martinsburg  roads.  Cavalry,  of  which 
there  was  a  considerable  force  with  the  army,  might  have  reaped 
a  rich  harvest,  but  none  came  forward.  Raised  in  the  adjoin- 
ing region,  our  troopers  were  gossiping  with  their  friends,  or 
worse.  Perhaps  they  thought  that  the  war  was  over.  Jackson 
joined  me,  and,  in  response  to  my  question,  "Where  is  the 
cavalry?"  glowered  and  was  silent.  After  .several  miles,  find- 
ing that  we  were  doing  no  good — as  indeed  infantry,  preserving 


60  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

its  organization,  cannot  hope  to  overtake  a  flying  enemy  —  I 
turned  into  the  fields  and  camped. 

Here  I  will  "  say  my  say  "  abont  Confederate  cavalry ;  and 
though  there  were  exceptions  to  the  following  remarks,  they 
were  too  few  to  qualify  their  general  correctness.  The  difficulty 
of  converting  raw  men  into  soldiers  is  enhanced  manifold  when 
they  are  mounted.  Both  man  and  horse  require  training,  and 
facilities  for  rambling,  with  temptation  so  to  do,  are  increased. 
There  was  but  little  time,  and  it  may  be  said  less  disposition,  to 
establish  camps  of  instruction.  Living  on  horseback,  fearless 
and  dashing,  the  men  of  the  South  afforded  the  best  possible 
material  for  cavalry.  They  had  every  quality  but  discipline, 
and  resembled  Prince  Charming,  whose  manifold  gifts,  be- 
stowed by  her  sisters,  were  rendered  useless  by  the  malignant 
fairy.  Scores  of  them  wandered  about  the  country  like  locusts, 
and  were  only  less  destructive  to  their  own  people  than  the 
enemy.  The  universal  devotion  of  Southern  women  to  their 
cause  led  them  to  give  indiscriminately  to  all  wearing  the  gray. 
Cavalry  officers  naturally  desired  to  have  as  large  commands  as 
possible,  and  were  too  much  indulged  in  this  desire.  Brigades 
and  regiments  were  permitted  to  do  work  appropriate  to  squad- 
rons and  companies,  and  the  cattle  were  unnecessarily  broken 
down.  Assuredly,  our  cavalry  rendered  much  excellent  service, 
especially  when  dismounted  and  fighting  as  infantry.  Such  able 
officers  as  Stuart,  Hampton,  and  the  younger  Lees  in  the  east, 
Forrest,  Green,  and  Wheeler  in  the  west,  developed  much  talent 
for  war ;  but  their  achievements,  however  distinguished,  fell  far 
below  the  standard  that  would  have  been  reached  had  not  the 
want  of  discipline  impaired  their  efforts  and  those  of  their  men. 

After  the  camp  was  established,  I  rode  back  to  "Winchester 
to  look  after  my  wounded  and  see  my  sister,  the  same  who  had 
nursed  me  the  previous  autumn.  By  a  second  marriage  she  was 
Mrs.  Dandridge,  and  resided  in  the  town.  Her  husband,  Mr. 
Dandridge,  was  on  duty  at  Richmond.  Depot  of  all  Federal 
forces  in  the  Yalley,  Winchester  was  filled  with  stores.  Prison- 
ers, guns,  and  wagons,  in  large  numbers,  had  fallen  into  our 
hands.     Of  especial  value  were  ordnance  and  medical  stores. 


THE  VALLEY   CAMPAIGN.  61 

The  following  day  my  command  was  moved  ten  miles  north 
on  the  pike  leading  by  Charlestown  to  Harper's  Ferry,  and 
after  a  day  some  miles  east  toward  the  Shenandoah.  This  was 
in  consequence  of  the  operations  of  the  Federal  General  Shields, 
who,  in  command  of  a  considerable  force  to  the  east  of  the  Bine 
Ridge,  passed  Manassas  Gap  and  drove  from  Front  Royal  a 
regiment  of  Georgians,  left  there  by  Jackson.  Meanwhile,  a 
part  of  the  army  was  pushed  forward  to  Martinsburg  and  be- 
yond, while  another  part  threatened  and  shelled  Harper's  Ferry. 
Jackson  himself  was  engaged  in  forwarding  captured  stores  to 
Staunton. 

On  Saturday,  May  31,  I  received  orders  to  move  through 
Winchester,  clear  the  town  of  stragglers,  and  continue  to  Stras- 
burg.  Few  or  no  stragglers  were  found  in  "Winchester,  whence 
the  sick  and  wounded,  except  extreme  cases,  had  been  taken. 
I  stopped  for  a  moment,  at  a  house  near  the  field  of  the  25th, 
to  see  Colonel  Nicholls.  He  had  suffered  amputation  of  the 
arm  that  morning,  and  the  surgeons  forbade  his  removal ;  so 
that,  much  to  my  regret  and  more  to  his  own,  he  was  left.  We 
reached  camp  at  Strasburg  after  dark,  a  march  of  thirty  odd 
miles,  weather  very  warm.  Winder,  with  his  brigade,  came  in 
later,  after  a  longer  march  from  the  direction  of  Harper's  Ferry. 
Jackson  sat  some  time  at  my  camp  fire  that  night,  and  was  more 
communicative  than  I  remember  him  before  or  after.  He  said 
Fremont,  with  a  large  force,  was  three  miles  west  of  our  present 
camp,  and  must  be  defeated  in  the  morning.  Shields  was  mov- 
ing up  Luray  Yalley,  and  might  cross  Massanutten  to  Newmar- 
ket, or  continue  south  until  he  turned  the  mountain  to  fall  on 
our  trains  near  Harrisonburg.  The  importance  of  preserving 
the  immense  trains,  filled  with  captured  stores,  was  great,  and 
would  engage  much  of  his  personal  attention ;  while  he  relied 
on  the  army,  under  Ewell's  direction,  to  deal  promptly  with 
Fremont.  This  he  told  in  a  low,  gentle  voice,  and  with  many 
interruptions  to  afford  time,  as  I  thought  and  believe,  for  in- 
ward prayer.  The  men  said  that  his  anxiety  about  the  wagons 
was  because  of  the  lemons  among  the  stores. 

Dawn  of  the  following  day  (Sunday)  was  ushered  in  by  the 


62  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

sound  of  Fremont's  guns.  Our  lines  had  been  early  drawn  out 
to  meet  him,  and  skirmishers  pushed  up  to  the  front  to  attack. 
Much  cannonading,  with  some  rattle  of  small  arms,  ensued.  The 
country  was  densely  wooded,  and  little  save  the  smoke  from  the 
enemy's  guns  could  be  seen.  My  brigade  was  in  reserve  a  short 
distance  to  the  rear  and  out  of  the  line  of  fire  ;  and  here  a  ludi- 
crous incident  occurred.  Many  slaves  from  Louisiana  had  ac- 
companied their  masters  to  the  war,  and  were  a  great  nuisance 
on  a  march,  foraging  far  and  wide  for  "  prog  "  for  their  owners' 
messes.  To  abate  this,  they  had  been  put  under  discipline  and 
made  to  march  in  rear  of  the  regiments  to  which  they  pertained. 
They  were  now,  some  scores,  assembled  under  a  large  tree, 
laughing,  chattering,  and  cooking  breakfast.  On  a  sudden,  a 
shell  burst  in  the  tree-top,  rattling  down  leaves  and  branches 
in  fine  style,  and  the  rapid  decampment  of  the  servitors  was 
most  amusing.  But  I  must  pause  to  give  an  account  of  my  own 
servant,  Tom  Strother,  who  deserves  honorable  and  affectionate 
mention  at  my  hands,  and  serves  to  illustrate  a  phase  of  South- 
ern life  now  passed  away. 

As  under  feudal  institutions  the  arms  of  heiresses  were  quar- 
tered with  those  of  the  families  into  which  they  married,  in  the 
South  their  slaves  adopted  the  surname  of  the  mistress ;  and  one 
curious  in  genealogy  could  trace  the  descent  and  alliances  of  an 
old  family  by  finding  out  the  names  used  by  different  slaves  on 
the  estate.  Those  of  the  same  name  were  a  little  clannish,  pre- 
serving traditions  of  the  family  from  which  their  fathers  had 
come,  and  magnifying  its  importance.  In  childhood  I  often 
listened  with  credulous  ears  to  wondrous  tales  of  the  magnifi- 
cence of  my  forefathers  in  Yirginia  and  Maryland,  who,  these 
imaginative  Africans  insisted,  dwelt  in  palaces,  surrounded  by 
brave,  handsome  sons,  lovely,  virtuous  daughters,  and  countless 
devoted  servants.  The  characters  of  many  Southern  children 
were  doubtless  influenced  by  such  tales,  impressive  from  the 
good  faith  of  the  narrators.  My  paternal  grandmother  was 
Miss  Sarah  Strother  of  Yirginia,  and  from  her  estate  came  these 
Strother  negroes.  Tom,  three  years  my  senior,  was  my  foster 
brother  and  early  playmate.    His  uncle,  Charles  Porter  Strother 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  63 

(to  give  him  his  full  name),  had  been  body  servant  to  my  grand- 
father, Colonel  Richard  Taylor,  whom  he  attended  in  his  last 
illness.  He  then  filled  the  same  office  to  my  father,  following 
him  through  his  Indian  and  Mexican  campaigns,  and  dying  at 
"Washington  a  year  before  his  master.  Tom  served  in  Florida 
and  Mexico  as  "  aide-de-camp  "  to  his  uncle,  after  which  he  mar- 
ried and  became  father  of  a  large  family.  On  this  account  I 
hesitated  to  bring  him  to  Yirginia,  but  he  would  come,  and  was 
a  model  servant.  Tall,  powerful,  black  as  ebony,  he  was  a  mir- 
ror of  truth  and  honesty.  Always  cheerful,  I  never  heard  him 
laugh  or  knew  of  his  speaking  unless  spoken  to.  He  could 
light  a  fire  in  a  minute  under  the  most  unfavorable  conditions 
and  with  the  most  unpromising  material,  made  the  best  coffee 
to  be  tasted  outside  of  a  Creole  kitchen,  was  a  "  dab  "  at  camp 
stews  and  roasts,  groomed  my  horses  (one  of  which  he  rode  near 
me),  washed  my  linen,  and  was  never  behind  time.  Occasion- 
ally, when  camped  near  a  house,  he  would  obtain  starch  and  flat- 
irons,  and  get  up  my  extra  shirt  in  a  way  to  excite  the  envy  of 
a  professional  clear-starcher ;  but  such  red-letter  days  were  few. 

I  used  to  fancy  that  there  was  a  mute  sympathy  between 
General  Jackson  and  Tom,  as  they  sat  silent  by  a  camp  fire,  the 
latter  respectfully  withdrawn ;  and  an  incident  here  at  Strasburg 
cemented  this  friendship.  "When  my  command  was  called  into 
action,  I  left  Tom  on  a  hill  where  all  was  quiet.  Thereafter, 
from  a  change  in  the  enemy's  dispositions,  the  place  became 
rather  hot,  and  Jackson,  passing  by,  advised  Tom  to  move ;  but 
he  replied,  if  the  General  pleased,  his  master  told  him  to  stay 
there  and  would  know  where  to  find  him,  and  he  did  not  believe 
shells  would  trouble  him.  Two  or  three  nights  later,  Jackson 
was  at  my  fire  when  Tom  came  to  give  me  some  coffee ;  where- 
upon Jackson  rose  and  gravely  shook  him  by  the  hand,  and  then 
told  me  the  above. 

After  the  war  was  closed,  Tom  returned  with  me  to  New 
Orleans,  found  his  wife  and  children  all  right,  and  is  now  pros- 
perous. My  readers  have  had  so  much  fighting  lately,  and  are 
about  to  have  so  much  more,  as  to  render  unnecessary  an  apol- 
ogy for  introducing  Tom's  history. 


64  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

To  return.  Cannonading  continued  without  much  effect, 
and  Ewell  summoned  me  to  his  presence,  directing  the  brigade 
to  remain  in  position  till  further  orders.  Jackson,  busy  with 
his  trains,  was  not  at  the  moment  on  the  field,  which  he  visited 
several  times  during  the  day,  though  I  did  not  happen  to  see 
him.  To  reach  Ewell,  it  was  necessary  to  pass  under  some 
heavy  shelling,  and  I  found  myself  open  to  the  reproach  visited 
previously  on  my  men.  "Whether  from  fatigue,  loss  of  sleep, 
or  what,  there  I  was,  nervous  as  a  lady,  ducking  like  a  manda- 
rin. It  was  disgusting,  and,  hoping  that  no  one  saw  me,  I  re- 
solved to  take  it  out  of  myself  the  first  opportunity.  There  is 
a  story  of  Turenne,  the  greatest  soldier  of  the  Bourbons,  which, 
if  not  true,  is  be?i  trovato.  Of  a  nervous  temperament,  his  legs 
on  the  eve  of  an  action  trembled  to  such  an  extent  as  to  make 
it  difficult  to  mount  his  horse.  Looking  at  them  contemptuous- 
ly, he  said :  "  If  you  could  foresee  the  danger  into  which  I  am 
going  to  take  you,  you  would  tremble  more."  It  was  with  a 
similar  feeling,  not  only  for  my  legs,  but  for  my  entire  carcass, 
that  I  reached  Ewell,  and  told  him  I  was  no  more  good  than  a 
frightened  deer.  He  laughed,  and  replied :  "  Nonsense  !  'tis 
Tom's  strong  coffee.  Better  give  it  up.  Remain  here  in  charge 
while  I  go  out  to  the  skirmishers.  I  can't  make  out  what  these 
people  are  about,  for  my  skirmish  line  has  stopped  them.  They 
won't  advance,  but  stay  out  there  in  the  wood,  making  a  great 
fuss  with  their  guns ;  and  I  do  not  wish  to  commit  myself  to 
much  advance  while  Jackson  is  absent."  With  this,  he  put 
spurs  to  his  horse  and  was  off,  and  soon  a  brisk  fusillade  was 
heard,  which  seemed  gradually  to  recede.  During  Ewell's  ab- 
sence, surrounded  by  his  staff,  I  contrived  to  sit  my  horse  qui- 
etly. Returning,  he  said :  "  I  am  completely  puzzled.  I  have 
just  driven  everything  back  to  the  main  body,  which  is  large. 
Dense  wood  everywhere.  Jackson  told  me  not  to  commit 
myself  too  far.  At  this  rate  my  attentions  are  not  likely  to 
become  serious  enough  to  commit  any  one.  I  wish  Jackson  was 
here  himself."  I  suggested  that  my  brigade  might  be  moved 
to  the  extreme  right,  near  the  Capon  road,  by  which  Fremont 
had  marched,  and  attempt  to  strike  that  road,  as  this  would  ena- 


THE  YALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  65 

ble  us  to  find  out  something.  He  replied :  "  Do  so ;  that  may- 
stir  them  up,  and  I  am  sick  of  this  fiddling  about."  Had 
Ewell  been  in  command,  he  would  have  "  pitched  in  "  long  be- 
fore ;  but  he  was  controlled  by  instructions  not  to  be  drawn  too 
far  from  the  pike. 

"We  found  the  right  of  our  line  held  by  a  Mississippi  regi- 
ment, the  colonel  of  which  told  me  that  he  had  advanced  just 
before  and  driven  the  enemy.  Several  of  his  men  were  wounded, 
and  he  was  bleeding  profusely  from  a  hit  in  his  leg,  which  he 
was  engaged  in  binding  with  a  handkerchief,  remarking  that  "  it 
did  not  pester  him  much."  Learning  our  purpose,  he  was  eager 
to  go  in  with  us,  and  was  not  at  all  pleased  to  hear  that  I  de- 
clined to  change  General  E well's  dispositions.  A  plucky  fellow, 
this  colonel,  whose  name,  if  ever  known,  I  cannot  recall.  The 
brigade  moved  forward  until  the  enemy  was  reached,  when, 
wheeling  to  the  left,  it  walked  down  his  line.  The  expression 
is  used  advisedly,  for  it  was  nothing  but  a  "walk-over."  Sheep 
would  have  made  as  much  resistance  as  we  met.  Men  decamped 
without  firing,  or  threw  down  their  arms  and  surrendered,  and 
it  was  so  easy  that  I  began  to  think  of  traps.  At  length  we  got 
under  fire  from  our  own  skirmishers,  and  suffered  some  casual- 
ties, the  only  ones  received  in  the  movement. 

Our  whole  skirmish  line  was  advancing  briskly  as  the  Fed- 
erals retired.  I  sought  Ewell,  and  reported.  "We  had  a  fine 
game  before  us,  and  the  temptation  to  play  it  was  great ;  but 
Jackson's  orders  were  imperative  and  wise.  He  had  his-  stores 
to  save,  Shields  to  guard  against,  Lee's  grand  strategy  to  pro- 
mote ;  and  all  this  he  accomplished,  alarming  "Washington,  fast- 
ening McDowell's  strong  corps  at  Fredericksburg  and  prevent- 
ing its  junction  with  McClellan,  on  whose  right  flank  he  sub- 
sequently threw  himself  at  Cold  Harbor.  He  could  not  waste 
time  chasing  Fremont,  but  we,  who  looked  from  a  lower  stand- 
point, grumbled  and  shared  the  men's  opinion  about  the  lemon 
wagons. 

The  prisoners  taken  in  our  promenade  were  Germans,  speak- 
ing no  English ;  and  we  had  a  similar  experience  a  few  days 
later.  In  the  Federal  Army  was  a  German  corps,  the  11th,. 
5 


6Q  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

commanded  by  General  O.  O.  Howard,  and  called  by  both  sides 
"  the  Flying  Dutchmen."  Since  the  time  of  Arminins  the  Ger- 
mans have  been  a  brave  people ;  to-day,  in  military  renown, 
they  lead  the  van  of  the  nations ;  but  they  require  a  cause  and 
leaders.  In  our  Revolutionary  struggle  the  Hessians  were  un- 
fortunate at  Bennington,  Saratoga,  and  Trenton.  We  have  mil- 
lions of  German  citizens,  and  excellent  citizens  they  are.  Let 
us  hope  that  the  foregoing  facts  may  be  commended  to  them, 
so  their  ways  may  be  ways  of  peace  in  their  adopted  land. 

Although  the  movement  along  the  enemy's  line  was  success- 
ful, as  described,  it  was  rash  and  foolish.  Fremont  had  troops 
which,  had  they  been  in  the  place  of  these  Germans,  would  have 
made  us  pass  one  of  Rabelais's  unpleasant  quarters  of  an  hour. 
Alarm  and  disgust  at  my  own  nervousness  occasioned  it,  proving 
weak  nerves  to  be  the  source  of  rash  acts. 

Fremont  made  no  further  sign,  and  as  the  day  declined  the 
army  was  recalled  to  the  pike  and  marched  south.  Jackson,  in 
person,  gave  me  instructions  to  draw  up  my  brigade  facing  west, 
on  some  hills  above  the  pike,  and  distant  from  it  several  hundred 
yards,  where  I  was  to  remain.  He  said  that  the  road  was 
crowded,  and  he  wanted  time  to  clear  it,  that  Fremont  was  safe 
for  the  night,  and  our  cavalry  toward  Winchester  reported  Banks 
returned  to  that  place  from  the  Potomac,  but  not  likely  to  move 
south  before  the  following  day ;  then  rode  off,  and  so  rapidly  as 
to  give  me  no  time  to  inquire  how  long  I  was  to  remain,  or  if 
the  cavalry  would  advise  me  in  the  event  that  Banks  changed 
his  purpose.  This  was  near  sunset,  and  by  the  time  the  com- 
mand was  in  position  darkness  fell  upon  us.  No  fires  were  al- 
lowed, and,  stacking  arms,  the  men  rested,  munching  cold  rations 
from  their  haversacks.  It  was  their  first  opportunity  for  a  bite 
since  early  morning. 

I  threw  myself  on  the  ground,  and  tried  in  vain  to  sleep. 
USTo  sound  could  be  heard  save  the  clattering  of  hoofs  on  the 
pike,  which  as  the  night  wore  on  became  constant.  Hour  after 
hour  passed,  when,  thinking  I  heard  firing  to  the  north,  I 
mounted  and  looked  for  the  pike.  The  darkness  was  so  intense 
that  it  could  not  have  been  found  but  for  the  white  limestone. 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  67 

Some  mounted  men  were  passing,  whom  I  halted  to  question. 
They  said  their  command  had  gone  on  to  rejoin  the  army,  and, 
they  supposed,  had  missed  me  in  the  dark;  but  there  was  a 
squadron  behind,  near  the  enemy's  advance,  which,  a  large  cav- 
alry force,  had  moved  from  Winchester  at  an  early  period  of 
the  day  and  driven  our  people  south.  This  was  pleasant ;  for 
Winder's  brigade  had  marched  several  hours  since,  and  a  wide 
interval  existed  between  us. 

More  firing,  near  and  distinct,  was  heard,  and  the  command 
was  ordered  down  to  the  pike,  which  it  reached  after  much 
stumbling  and  swearing,  and  some  confusion.     Fortunately,  the 
battery,  Captain  Bowyer,  had  been  sent  forward  at  dusk  to  get 
forage,  and  an  orderly  was  dispatched  to  put  it  on  the  march. 
The  6th  (Irish)  regiment  was  in  rear,  and  I  took  two  companies 
for  a  rear  guard.    The  column  had  scarce  got  into  motion  before 
a  party  of  horse  rushed  through  the  guard,  knocking  down  sev- 
eral men,  one  of  whom  was  severely  bruised.    There  was  a  little 
pistol-shooting  and  sabre-hacking,  and  for  some  minutes  things 
were  rather  mixed.     The  enemy's  cavalry  had  charged  ours,  and 
driven  it  on  the  infantry.     One  Federal  was  captured  and  his 
horse  given  to  the  bruised  man,  who  congratulated  the  rider  on 
his  promotion  to  a  respectable  service.     I  dismounted,  gave  my 
horse  to  Tom  to  lead,  and  marched  with  the  guard.    From  time 
to  time  the  enemy  would  charge,  but  we  could  hear  him  coming 
and  be  ready.     The  guard  would  halt,  about  face,  front  rank 
with  fixed  bayonets  kneel,  rear  rank  fire,  when,  by  the  light  of 
the  flash,  we  could  see  emptied  saddles.     Our  pursuers'  fire  was 
wild,  passing  over  head ;  so  we  had  few  casualties,  and  these 
slight ;  but  they  were  bold  and  enterprising,  and  well  led,  often 
charging  close  up  to  the  bayonets.     I  remarked  this,  whereupon 
the  Irishmen  answered,  "  Devil  thank  'em  for  that  same."    There 
was  no  danger  on  the  flanks.    The  white  of  the  pike  alone  guided 
us.    Owls  could  not  have  found  their  way  across  the  fields.    The 
face  of  the  country  has  been  described  as  a  succession  of  rolling 
swells,  and  later  the  enemy  got  up  guns,  but  always  fired  from 
the  summits,  so  that  his  shells  passed  far  above  us,  exploding  in 
the  fields.     Had  the  guns  been  trained  low,  with  canister,  it 


68  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

might  have  proved  uncomfortable,  for  the  pike  ran  straight  to 
the  south.  "  It  was  a  fine  night  intirely  for  divarsion,"  said  the 
Irishmen,  with  which  sentiment  I  did  not  agree ;  but  they  were 
as  steady  as  clocks  and  chirpy  as  crickets,  indulging  in  many  a 
jest  whenever  the  attentions  of  our  friends  in  the  rear  were 
slackened.  They  had  heard  of  Shields's  proximity,  and  knew 
him  to  be  an  Irishman  by  birth,  and  that  he  had  Irish  regiments 
with  him.  During  an  interlude  I  was  asked  if  it  was  not  prob- 
able that  we  would  encounter  Shields,  and  answering  affirma- 
tively, heard :  "  Them  Germans  is  poor  creatures,  but  Shields's 
boys  will  be  after  fighting."  Expressing  a  belief  that  my  "  boys  " 
could  match  Shields's  any  day,  I  received  loud  assurance  from 
half  a  hundred  Tipperary  throats :  "  You  may  bet  your  life  on 
that,  sor."  Thus  we  beguiled  the  weary  hours.  During  the 
night  I  desired  to  relieve  the  guard,  but  was  diverted  from  my 
purpose  by  scornful  howls  of  "We  are  the  boys  to  see  it  out." 
As  Argyle's  to  the  tartan,  my  heart  has  warmed  to  an  Irishman 
since  that  night. 

Daylight  came,  and  I  tried  to  brace  myself  for  hotter  work, 
when  a  body  of  troops  was  reported  in  position  to  the  south  of 
my  column.  This  proved  to  be  Charles  Winder  with  his  (for- 
merly Jackson's  own)  brigade.  An  accomplished  soldier  and 
true  brother-in-arms,  he  had  heard  the  enemy's  guns  during  the 
night,  and,  knowing  me  to  be  in  rear,  halted  and  formed  line 
to  await  me.  His  men  were  fed  and  rested,  and  he  insisted  on 
taking  my  place  in  the  rear.  Passing  through  Winder's  line, 
we  moved  slowly,  with  frequent  halts,  so  as  to  remain  near,  the 
enemy  pressing  hard  during  the  morning.  The  day  was  un- 
commonly hot,  the  sun  like  fire,  and  water  scarce  along  the 
road ;  and  our  men  suffered  greatly. 

Just  after  midday  my  brisk  young  aide,  Hamilton,  whom  I 
had  left  with  Winder  to  bring  early  intelligence,  came  to  report 
that  officer  in  trouble  and  want  of  assistance.  My  men  were  so 
jaded  as  to  make  me  unwilling  to  retrace  ground  if  it  could  be 
avoided ;  so  they  were  ordered  to  form  line  on  the  crest  of  the 
slope  at  hand,  and  I  went  to  Winder,  a  mile  to  the  rear.  His 
brigade,  renowned  as  the  "  Stonewall,"  was  deployed  on  both 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  69 

sides  of  the  pike,  on  which  he  had  four  guns.  Large  masses  of 
cavalry,  with  guns  and  some  sharp-shooters,  were  pressing  him 
closely,  while  far  to  the  north  clouds  of  dust  marked  the  ap- 
proach of  troops.  His  line  was  on  one  of  the  many  swells  cross- 
ing the  pike  at  right  angles,  and  a  gentle  slope  led  to  the  next 
crest  south,  beyond  which  my  brigade  was  forming.  The  prob- 
lem was  to  retire  without  giving  the  enemy,  eager  and  persis- 
tent, an  opportunity  to  charge.  The  situation  looked  so  blue 
that  I  offered  to  move  back  my  command  ;  but  Winder  thought 
he  could  pull  through,  and  splendidly  did  he  accomplish  it. 
Regiment  by  regiment,  gun  by  gun,  the  brigade  was  withdrawn, 
always  checking  the  enemy,  though  boldly  led.  Winder,  cool 
as  a  professor  playing  the  new  German  game,  directed  every 
movement  in  person,  and  the  men  were  worthy  of  him  and  of 
their  first  commander,  Jackson.  It  was  very  close  work  in  the 
vale  before  he  reached  the  next  crest,  and  heavy  volleys  were 
necessary  to  stay  our  plucky  foes ;  but,  once  there,  my  command 
showed  so  strong  as  to  impress  the  enemy,  who  halted  to  re- 
connoiter,  and  the  two  brigades  were  united  without  further 
trouble. 

The  position  was  good,  my  battery  was  at  hand,  and  our 
men  were  so  fatigued  that  we  debated  whether  it  was  not  more 
comfortable  to  fight  than  retreat.  We  could  hold  the  ground 
for  hours  against  cavalry,  and  night  would  probably  come  be- 
fore infantry  got  up,  while  retreat  was  certain  to  bring  the 
cavalry  on  us.  At  this  juncture  up  came  General  Turner  Ash- 
by,  followed  by  a  considerable  force  of  horse,  with  guns.  This 
officer  had  been  engaged  in  destroying  bridges  in  Luray  Valley, 
to  prevent  Shields  from  crossing  that  branch  of  the  Shenandoah, 
and  now  came,  much  to  our  satisfaction,  to  take  charge  of  the 
rear.  He  proceeded  to  pay  his  respects  to  our  friends,  and 
soon  took  them  off  our  hands.  We  remained  an  hour  to  rest 
the  men  and  give  Ashby  time  to  make  his  dispositions,  then 
moved  on. 

Before  sunset  heavy  clouds  gathered,  and  the  intense  heat 
was  broken  by  a  regular  downpour,  in  the  midst  of  which  we 
crossed  the  bridge  over  the  west  branch  of  the  Shenandoah — a 


70  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

large  stream — at  Mount  Jackson,  and  camped.  There  was  not 
a  dry  thread  abont  my  person,  and  my  boots  would  have  fur- 
nished a  respectable  bath.  Notwithstanding  the  flood,  Tom 
soon  had  a  fire,  and  was  off  to  hunt  forage  for  man  and  beast. 
Here  we  were  less  than  ten  miles  from  Newmarket,  between 
which  and  this  point  the  army  was  camped.  Jackson  was  easy 
about  Massanutten  Gap.  Shields  must  march  south  of  the 
mountain  to  reach  him,  while  the  river,  just  crossed,  was  now 
impassable  except  by  bridge. 

"We  remained  thirty-six  hours  in  this  camp,  from  the  evening 
of  the  2d  until  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  June — a  welcome  rest 
to  all.  Two  days  of  light  marching  carried  us  thence  to  Harri- 
sonburg, thirty  miles.  Here  Jackson  quitted  the  pike  leading  to 
Staunton,  and  took  the  road  to  Port  Republic.  This  village, 
twelve  miles  southeast  of  Harrisonburg,  lies  at  the  base  of  the 
Blue  Ridge,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Shenandoah.  Several 
streams  unite  here  to  form  the  east  (locally  called  south)  branch 
of  that  river ;  and  here  too  was  the  only  bridge  from  Front 
Royal  south,  all  others  having  been  destroyed  by  Ashby  to  pre- 
vent Shields  from  crossing.  This  commander  was  pushing  a 
part  of  his  force  south,  from  Front  Royal  and  Luray,  on  the 
east  bank. 

The  army  passed  the  night  of  June  5  in  camp  three  miles 
from  Harrisonburg  toward  Port  Republic.  Ewell's  division, 
which  I  had  rejoined  for  the  first  time  since  we  met  Jackson, 
was  in  rear ;  and  the  rear  brigade  was  General  George  Stew- 
art's, composed  of  one  Maryland  and  two  Virginia  regi- 
ments. My  command  was  immediately  in  advance  of  Stewart's. 
Ashby  had  burnt  the  bridge  at  Mount  Jackson  to  delay  Fremont, 
and  was  camped  with  his  horse  in  advance  of  Harrisonburg. 
The  road  to  Port  Republic  was  heavy  from  recent  rains,  causing 
much  delay  to  trains,  so  that  we  did  not  move  on  the  morning 
of  the  6th.  Early  in  the  day  Fremont,  reenforced  from  Banks, 
got  up ;  and  his  cavalry,  vigorously  led,  pushed  Ashby  through 
Harrisonburg,  where  a  sharp  action  occurred,  resulting  in  the 
capture  of  many  Federals — among  others,  Colonel  Percy  "Wynd- 
ham,  commanding  brigade,  whose  meeting  with  Major  "Wheat 


THE  YALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  71 

h«s  been  described.  Later,  while  Ewell  was  conversing  with. 
me,  a  message  from  Ashby  took  him  to  the  rear.  Federal  cav- 
alry, supported  by  infantry,  was  advancing  on  Ashby.  Stew- 
art's brigade  was  lying  in  a  wood,  under  cover  of  which  Ewell 
placed  it  in  position.  A  severe  straggle  ensued;  the  enemy 
was  driven,  and  many  prisoners  were  taken.  I  had  ridden  back 
with  Ewell,  and  so  witnessed  the  affair,  uncommonly  spirited, 
and  creditable  to  both  sides.  Colonel  Kane  of  Philadelphia  was 
among  the  prisoners  and  painfully  wounded.  Having  known 
his  father,  Judge  Kane,  as  well  as  his  brother,  the  Arctic  ex- 
plorer, I  solicited  and  obtained  from  Jackson  his  parole. 

Colonel  HichoUs,  left  wounded  near  "Winchester,  had  mar- 
ried a  short  time  previous  to  the  war,  and  his  young  wife  now 
appeared,  seeking  to  join  her  husband.  Jackson  referred  her 
request  to  Ewell,  who  passed  it  to  me.  Of  this  I  was  informed 
by  Captain  Nickolls,  8th  regiment,  brother  to  the  colonel,  killed 
a  few  days  after  at  Cold  Harbor.  Much  cavalry  skirmishing 
was  still  going  on  around  Harrisonburg,  dangerous  for  a  lady  to 
pass  through ;  and  besides,  she  had  come  from  Port  Republic, 
seen  our  situation,  and  might  be  indiscreet.  These  considera- 
tions were  stated  to  Captain  Nicholls,  but  his  sister-in-law  in- 
sisted on  seeing  me.  A  small,  fairy-like  creature,  plucky  as  a 
"  Dandie  Dinmont "  terrier,  and  with  a  heart  as  big  as  Massa- 
nutten,  she  was  seated  in  a  nondescript  trap,  drawn  by  two 
mules,  driven  by  a  negro.  One  look  from  the  great,  tearful 
eyes  made  of  me  an  abject  coward,  and  I  basely  shuffled  the 
refusal  to  let  her  pass  on  to  Jackson.  The  Parthian  glance  of 
contempt  that  reached  me  through  her  tears  showed  that  the 
lady  understood  and  despised  my  paltering.  Nicholls  was 
speedily  exchanged,  became  a  general  officer,  lost  a  foot  at 
Chancellorsville,  and,  after  leading  his  people  up  out  of  captiv- 
ity, is  now  the  conservative  Governor  of  Louisiana. 

The  skirmishing  spoken  of  in  the  above  connection  devel- 
oped into  severe  work,  in  which  General  Ashby  was  killed. 
Alluding  to  his  death  in  an  official  report,  Jackson  says,  "  As  a 
partisan  officer  I  never  knew  his  superior."  Like  Claverhouse, 
"  with  a  face  that  painters  loved  to  limn  and  ladies  look  upon," 


72  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

lie  was  the  most  daring  and  accomplished  rider  in  a  region  of 
horsemen.  His  courage  was  so  brilliant  as  to  elicit  applause 
from  friend  and  foe,  bnt  he  was  without  capacity  or  disposition 
to  enforce  discipline  on  his  men.  I  witnessed  his  deep  chagrin 
at  the  conduct  of  our  troopers  after  the  enemy  had  been  driven 
from  "Winchester  in  May.  With  proper  organization  and  disci- 
pline, his  bold  riders  under  his  lead  might  have  accomplished  all 
that  the  lamented  Nolan  claimed  as  possible  for  light  cavalry. 
Popular  imagination,  especially  the  female,  is  much  in  error  as 
to  these  matters.  Graceful  young  cavaliers,  with  flowing  locks, 
leaping  cannon  to  saber  countless  foes,  make  a  captivating  picture. 
In  the  language  of  Bosquet,  "'Tis  beautiful,  but  'tis  not  war"; 
and  grave  mishaps  have  been  occasioned  by  this  misconception. 
Valor  is  as  necessary  now  as  ever  in  war,  but  disciplined,  subor- 
dinated valor,  admitting  the  courage  and  energies  of  all  to  be 
welded  and  directed  to  a  common  end.  It  is  much  to  be  de- 
sired that  the  ladies  would  consent  to  correct  their  opinions ;  for, 
after  all,  their  approval  stimulates  our  best  fighting. 

On  the  7th  of  June  we  marched  to  a  place  within  four 
miles  of  Port  Kepublic,  called  Cross  Keys,  where  several  roads 
met.  Near  at  hand  was  the  meeting-house  of  a  sect  of  German 
Quakers,  Tunkers  or  Dunkards,  as  they  are  indifferently  named. 
Here  Jackson  determined  to  await  and  fight  Fremont,  who  fol- 
lowed him  hard ;  but  as  a  part  of  Shields's  force  was  now  un- 
pleasantly near,  he  pushed  on  to  Port  Kepublic  with  Winder's 
and  other  infantry,  and  a  battery,  which  camped  on  the  hither 
bank  of  the  river.  Jackson  himself,  with  his  staff  and  a 
mounted  escort,  crossed  the  bridge  and  passed  the  night  in  the 
village. 

Ewell,  in  immediate  charge  at  Cross  Keys,  was  ready  early 
in  the  morning  of  the  8th,  when  Fremont  attacked.  The 
ground  was  undulating,  with  much  wood,  and  no  extended  view 
could  be  had.  In  my  front  the  attack,  if  such  it  could  be  called, 
was  feeble  in  the  extreme — an  affair  of  skirmishers,  in  which  the 
enemy  yielded  to  the  slightest  pressure.  A  staff  officer  of 
Jackson's,  in  hot  haste,  came  with  orders  from  his  chief  to 
march  my  brigade  double-quick  to  Port  Kepublic.     Elzey's  bri- 


THE  YALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  73 

gade,  in  second  line  to  the  rear,  was  asked  to  take  my  place  and 
relieve  my  skirmishers ;  then,  advising  the  staff  officer  to  notify 
Ewell,  whom  he  had  not  seen,  we  started  on  the  run,  for  such 
a  message  from  Jackson  meant  business.  Two  of  the  inter- 
vening miles  were  quickly  passed,  when  another  officer  appeared 
with  orders  to  halt.  In  half  an  hour,  during  which  the  sound 
of  battle  at  Cross  Keys  thickened,  Jackson  came.  As  before 
stated,  he  had  passed  the  night  in  the  village,  with  his  staff  and 
escort.  Up  as  usual  at  dawn,  he  started  alone  to  recross  the 
bridge,  leaving  his  people  to  follow.  The  bridge  was  a  few 
yards  below  the  last  house  in  the  village,  and  some  mist  over- 
hung the  river.  Under  cover  of  this  a  small  body  of  horse, 
with  one  gun,  from  Bhields's  forces,  had  reached  the  east  end 
of  the  bridge  and  trained  the  gun  on  it.  Jackson  was  within 
an  ace  of  capture.  As  he  spurred  across,  the  gun  was  fired  on 
him,  but  without  effect,  and  the  sound  brought  up  staff  and 
escort,  when  Vhe  horse  retired  north.  This  incident  occasioned 
the  order  to  me.  After  relating  it  (all  save  his  own  danger), 
Jackson  passed  on  to  Ewell.  Thither  I  followed,  to  remain  in 
reserve  until  the  general  forward  movement  in  the  afternoon, 
by  which  Fremont  was  driven  back  with  loss  of  prisoners.  We 
did  not  persist  far,  as  Shields's  force  was  near  upon  us.  From 
Ewell  I  learned  that  there  had  been  some  pretty  fighting  in 
the  morning,  though  less  than  might  have  been  expected  from 
Fremont's  numbers.  I  know  not  if  the  presence  of  this  com- 
mander had  a  benumbing  influence  on  his  troops,  but  certainly 
his  advanced  cavalry  and  infantry  had  proved  bold  and  enter- 
prising. 

In  the  evening  we  moved  to  the  river  and  camped.  Win- 
der's and  other  brigades  crossed  the  bridge,  and  during  the 
night  Ewell,  with  most  of  the  army,  drew  near,  leaving  Trim- 
ble's brigade  and  the  horse  at  Cross  Keys.  No  one  apprehended 
another  advance  by  Fremont.  The  following  morning,  Sun- 
day, June  9,  my  command  passed  the  bridge,  moved  several 
hundred  yards  down  the  road,  and  halted.  Our  trains  had  gone 
east  over  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  sun  appeared  above  the  moun- 
tain while  the  men  were  quietly  breakfasting.     Suddenly,  from 


74  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

below,  was  heard  the  din  of  battle,  loud  and  sustained,  artillery 
and  small  arms.  The  men  sprang  into  ranks,  formed  column, 
and  marched,  and  I  galloped  forward  a  short  mile  to  see  the 
following  scene : 

From  the  mountain,  clothed  to  its  base  with  undergrowth 
and  timber,  a  level — clear,  open,  and  smooth — extended  to  the 
river.     This  plain  was  some  thousand  yards  in  width.     Half  a 
mile  north,  a  gorge,  through  which  flowed  a  small  stream,  cut  the 
mountain  at  a  right  angle.    The  northern  shoulder  of  this  gorge 
projected  farther  into  the  plain  than  the  southern,  and  on  an 
elevated  plateau  of  the  shoulder  were  placed  six  guns,  sweeping 
every  inch  of  the  plain  to  the  south.     Federal  lines,  their  right 
touching  the  river,  were  advancing  steadily,  with  banners  flying 
and  arms  gleaming  in  the  sun.     A  gallant  show,  they  came  on. 
"Winder's  and  another  brigade,  with  a  battery,  opposed  them. 
This  small  force  was  suffering  cruelly,  and  its  skirmishers  were 
driven  in  on  their  thin  supporting  line.     As  my  Irishmen  pre- 
dicted,   "Shields's  boys  were  after  fighting."     Below,  Ewell 
was  hurrying  his  men  over  the  bridge,  but  it  looked  as  if  we 
should  be  doubled  up  on  him  ere  he  could  cross  and  develop 
much  strength.     Jackson  was  on  the  road,  a  little  in  advance 
of  his  line,  where  the  fire  was  hottest,  with  reins  on  his  horse's 
neck,  seemingly  in  prayer.     Attracted  by  my  approach,  he  said, 
in  his  usual  voice,  "  Delightful  excitement."     I  replied  that  it 
was  pleasant  to  learn  he  was  enjoying  himself,  but  thought  he 
might  have  an  indigestion  of  such  fun  if  the  six-gun  battery 
was  not  silenced.     He  summoned  a  young  officer  from  his  staff, 
and  pointed  up  the  mountain.     The  head  of  my  approaching 
column  was  turned  short  up  the  slope,  and  speedily  came  to  a 
path  running  parallel  with  the  river.    "We  took  this  path,  the 
guide  leading  the  way.     From  him  I  learned  that  the  plateau 
occupied  by  the  battery  had  been  used  for  a  charcoal  kiln,  and 
the  path  we  were  following,  made  by  the  burners  in  hauling 
wood,  came  upon  the  gorge  opposite  the  battery.      Moving 
briskly,  we  reached  the  hither  side  a  few  yards  from  the  guns. 
Infantry  was  posted  near,  and  riflemen  were  in  the  undergrowth 
on  the  slope  above.     Our  approach,  masked  by  timber,  was  un-  . 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN".  75 

expected.     The  battery  was  firing  rapidly,  enabled  from  eleva- 
tion to  fire  over  the  advancing  lines.     The  head  of  my  colnmn 
began  to  deploy  under  cover  for  attack,  when  the  sonnds  of  bat- 
tle to  our  rear  appeared  to  recede,  and  a  loud  Federal  cheer  was 
heard,  proving  Jackson  to  be  hard  pressed.     It  was  rather  an 
anxious  moment,  demanding  instant  action.     Leaving  a  staff 
officer  to  direct  my  rear  regiment — the  7th,  Colonel  Hays — to 
form  in  the  wood  as  a  reserve,  I  ordered  the  attack,  though  the 
deployment  was  not  completed,  and  our  rapid  march  by  a  nar- 
row path  had  occasioned  some  disorder.    With  a  rush  and  shout 
the  gorge  was  passed  and  we  were  in  the  battery.    Surprise  had 
aided  us,  but  the  enemy's  infantry  rallied  in  a  moment  and 
drove  us  out.     "We  returned,  to  be  driven  a  second  time.     The 
riflemen  on  the  slope  worried  us  no  little,  and  two  companies 
of  the  9th  regiment  were  sent  up  the  gorge  to  gain  ground 
above  and  dislodge  them,  which  was  accomplished.     The  fight- 
ing in  and  around  the  battery  was  hand  to  hand,  and  many  fell 
from  bayonet  wounds.     Even  the  artillerymen  used  their  ram- 
mers in  a  way  not  laid  down  in  the  Manual,  and  died  at  their 
guns.     As  Conan  said  to  the  devil,  "  'Twas  claw  for  claw."     I 
called  for  Hays,  but  he,  the  promptest  of  men,  and  his  splendid 
regiment,  could  not  be  found.     Something  unexpected  had  oc- 
curred, but  there  was  no  time  for  speculation.     With  a  des- 
perate rally,  in  which  I  believe  the  drummer-boys  shared,  we 
carried  the  Battery  for  the  third  time,  and  held  it.     Infantry 
and  riflemen  had  been  driven  off,  and  we  began  to  feel  a  little 
comfortable,  when  the  enemy,  arrested  in  his  advance  by  our 
attack,  appeared.     He  had  countermarched,  and,  with  left  near 
the  river,  came  into  full  view  of  our  situation.     Wheeling  to 
the  right,  with  colors  advanced,  like  a  solid  wall  he  marched 
straight  upon  us.     There  seemed  nothing  left  but  to  set  our 
backs  to  the  mountain  and  die  hard.     At  the  instant,  crashing 
through  the  underwood,  came  Ewell,  outriding  staff  and  escort. 
He  produced  the  effect  of  a  reenforcement,  and  was  welcomed 
with  cheers.    The  line  before  us  halted  and  threw  forward  skir- 
mishers.    A  moment  later,  a  shell  came  shrieking  along  it,  loud 
Confederate  cheers  reached  our  delighted  ears,  and  Jackson, 


76  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

freed  from  his  toils,  rushed  up  like  a  whirlwind,  the  enemy  in 
rapid  retreat.  We  turned  the  captured  guns  on  them  as  thej 
passed,  Ewell  serving  as  a  gunner.  Though  rapid,  the  retreat 
never  became  a  rout.  Fortune  had  refused  her  smiles,  but 
Shields's  brave  "  boys "  preserved  their  organization  and  were 
formidable  to  the  last ;  and  had  Shields  himself,  with  his  whole 
command,  been  on  the  field,  we  should  have  had  tough  work 
indeed. 

Jackson  came  up,  with  intense  light  in  his  eyes,  grasped  my 
hand,  and  said  the  brigade  should  have  the  captured  battery. 
I  thought  the  men  would  go  mad  with  cheering,  especially  the 
Irishmen.  A  huge  fellow,  with  one  eye  closed  and  half  his 
whiskers  burned  by  powder,  was  riding  cock-horse  on  a  gun, 
and,  catching  my  attention,  yelled  out,  "  We  told  you  to  bet  on 
your  boys."  Their  success  against  brother  Patlanders  seemed 
doubly  welcome.  Strange  people,  these  Irish !  Fighting  every 
one's  battles,  and  cheerfully  taking  the  hot  end  of  the  poker, 
they  are  only  found  wanting  when  engaged  in  what  they  believe 
to  be  their  national  cause.  Excepting  the  defense  of  Limerick 
under  brilliant  Sarsfield,  I  recall  no  domestic  struggle  in  which 
they  have  shown  their  worth. 

While  Jackson  pursued  the  enemy  without  much  effect,  as 
his  cavalry,  left  in  front  of  Fremont,  could  not  get  over  till  late, 
we  attended  to  the  wounded  and  performed  the  last  offices  to 
the  dead,  our  own  and  the  Federal.  I  have  never  seen  so  many 
dead  and  wounded  in  the  same  limited  space.  A  large  farm- 
house on  the  plain,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  gorge,  was  con- 
verted into  a  hospital.  Ere  long  my  lost  7th  regiment,  sadly 
cut  up,  rejoined.  This  regiment  was  in  rear  of  the  column 
when  we  left  Jackson  to  gain  the  path  in  the  woods,  and  before 
it  filed  out  of  the  road  his  thin  line  was  so  pressed  that  Jackson 
ordered  Hays  to  stop  the  enemy's  rush.  This  was  done,  for  the 
7th  would  have  stopped  a  herd  of  elephants,  but  at  a  fearful 
cost.  Colonel  Hays  was  severely  wounded,  among  many  others,  , 
and  the  number  of  killed  was  large.  Upon  my  promotion  to 
Major-General,  Hays  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  brigade, 
served  through  the  war,  returned  to  the  practice  of  the  law,  and 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  77 

died  in  New  Orleans.  He  was  brother  to  Colonel  Jack  Hays, 
formerly  of  Texas,  now  of  California,  and  shared  much  of  the 
fighting  ability  of  that  renowned  partisan. 

The  young  officer  who  guided  us  through  the  wood  deserves 
mention,  as  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  reach  the  battery,  where 
he  was  killed.  Lieutenant  English,  near  Harper's  Ferry,  Vir- 
ginia, proved  to  be  his  name  and  place  of  birth. 

Many  hours  passed  in  discharge  of  sad  duties  to  the  wounded 
and  dead,  during  which  Fremont  appeared  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  river  and  opened  his  guns ;  but,  observing  doubtless  our 
occupation,  he  ceased  his  fire,  and  after  a  short  time  withdrew. 
It  may  be  added  here  that  Jackson  had  caused  such  alarm  at 
"Washington  as  to  start  Milroy,  Banks,  Fremont,  and  Shields 
toward  that  capital,  and  the  great  valley  was  cleared  of  the 
enemy. 

We  passed  the  night  high  up  the  mountain,  where  we  moved 
to  reach  our  supply  wagons.  A  cold  rain  was  falling,  and  be- 
fore we  found  them  every  one  was  tired  and  famished.  I 
rather  took  it  out  of  the  train-master  for  pushing  so  far  up, 
although  I  had  lunched  comfortably  from  the  haversack  of  a  dead 
Federal.  It  is  not  pleasant  to  think  of  now,  but  war  is  a  little 
hardening. 

On  the  12th  of  June  the  army  moved  down  to  the  river,  above 
Port  Eepublic,  where  the  valley  was  wide,  with  many  trees,  and 
no  enemy  to  worry  or  make  us  afraid.  Here  closed  Jackson's 
wonderful  Yalley  campaign  of  1862.* 

The  Louisiana  brigade  marched  from  its  camp  near  Conrad's 

*  A  part  of  the  foregoing  text  was  published  in  the  number 
of  the  "North  American  Review"  for  March,  1878,  under  the 
title  of  "  Stonewall  Jackson  and  the  Valley  Campaign."  In  a 
kind  and  friendly  letter,  dated  New  York,  March  21,  General 
Shields  corrects  some  misapprehensions  into  which  I  had  fallen, 
more  especially  concerning  his  personal  connection  with  the 
events  described.  I  had  been  unable  to  procure  a  copy  of  General 
Shields's  report,  which,  he  informs  me  in  the  same  letter,  was  sup- 
pressed by  Secretary  Stanton. 


78  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

store,  to  join  Jackson  at  Newmarket,  on  the  21st  of  May.  In 
twenty  days  it  marched  over  two  hundred  miles,  f ought  in  five 
actions,  of  which  three  were  severe,  and  several  skirmishes,  and, 
though  it  had  suffered  heavy  loss  in  officers  and  men,  was  yet 
strong,  hard  as  nails,  and  full  of  confidence.  I  have  felt  it  a 
duty  to  set  forth  the  achievements  of  the  brigade,  than  which 
no  man  ever  led  braver  into  action,  in  their  proper  light,  be- 
cause such  reputation  as  I  gained  in  this  campaign  is  to  be 
ascribed  to  its  excellence. 

For  the  first  time  since  several  weeks,  friend  Ewell  and  I 
had  a  chance  to  renew  our  talks ;  but  events  soon  parted  us 
again.  Subsequently  he  was  wounded  in  the  knee  at  the  second 
battle  of  Manassas,  and  suffered  amputation  of  the  leg  in  con- 
sequence. His  absence  of  mind  nearly  proved  fatal.  Forget- 
ting his  condition,  he  suddenly  started  to  walk,  came  down  on 
the  stump,  imperfectly  healed,  and  produced  violent  hsemor- 
rhage. 

About  the  close  of  the  war  he  married  Mrs.  Brown,  a  widow, 
and  daughter  of  Judge  Campbell,  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Ten- 
nessee, who  had  represented  the  United  States  at  the  court  of 
St.  Petersburg,  where  this  lady  was  born.  She  was  a  kins- 
woman of  Ewell,  and  said  to  have  been  his  early  love.  He 
brought  her  to  New  Orleans  in  1866,  where  I  hastened  to  see 
him.  He  took  me  by  the  hand  and  presented  me  to  "  my  wife, 
Mrs.  Brown."  How  well  I  remember  our  chat !  How  he  talked 
of  his  plans  and  hopes  and  happiness,  and  of  his  great  lot  of 
books,  which  he  was  afraid  he  would  never  be  able  to  read 
through.  The  while  "  my  wife,  Mrs.  Brown,"  sat  by,  handsome 
as  a  picture,  smiling  on  her  General,  as  well  she  might,  so  noble 
a  gentleman.  A  few  short  years,  and  both  he  and  his  wife 
passed  away  within  an  hour  of  each  other ;  but  his  last  years 
were  made  happy  by  her  companionship,  and  comfortable  by 
the  wealth  she  had  brought  him.  Dear  Dick  Ewell !  Virginia 
never  bred  a  truer  gentleman,  a  braver  soldier,  nor  an  odder, 
more  lovable  fellow. 

On  the  second  day  in  this  camp  General  Winder  came  to  me 
and  said  that  he  had  asked  leave  to  go  to  Richmond,  been  re- 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  79 

fused,  and  resigned.  He  commanded  Jackson's  old  brigade, 
and  was  aggrieved  by  some  unjust  interference.  Holding  "Win* 
der  in  high  esteem,  I  hoped  to  save  him  to  the  army,  and  went 
to  Jackson,  to  whose  magnanimity  I  appealed,  and  to  arouse 
this  dwelt  on  the  rich  harvest  of  glory  he  had  reaped  in  his 
brilliant  campaign.  Observing  him  closely,  I  caught  a  glimpse 
of  the  man's  inner  nature.  It  was  but  a  glimpse.  The  curtain 
closed,  and  he  was  absorbed  in  prayer.  Yet  in  that  moment  I 
saw  an  ambition  boundless  as  Cromwell's,  and  as  merciless. 
This  latter  quality  was  exhibited  in  his  treatment  of  General 
Richard  G-arnett,  cousin  to  Robert  Garnett,  before  mentioned, 
and  his  codisciple  at  West  Point.  I  have  never  met  officer  or 
soldier,  present  at  Kernstown,  who  failed  to  condemn  the  harsh 
treatment  of  Garnett  after  that  action.  Richard  Garnett  was 
subsequently  restored  to  command  at  my  instance  near  Jackson, 
and  fell  on  the  field  of  Gettysburg. 

]STo  reply  was  made  to  my  effort  for  Winder,  and  I  rose  to 
take  my  leave,  when  Jackson  said  he  would  ride  with  me.  We 
passed  silently  along  the  way  to  my  camp,  where  he  left  me. 
That  night  a  few  lines  came  from  Winder,  to  inform  me  that 
Jackson  had  called  on  him,  and  his  resignation  was  withdrawn. 

Charles  Winder  was  born  in  Maryland,  graduated  at  West 
Point  in  1850,  embarked  soon  thereafter  for  California  in  charge 
of  a  detachment  of  recruits,  was  wrecked  on  the  coast,  and 
saved  his  men  by  his  coolness  and  energy.  He  left  the  United 
States  army  to  join  the  Confederacy,  and  was  killed  at  Cedar 
Run  some  weeks  after  this  period.  Had  he  lived,  he  would 
have  reached  and  adorned  high  position. 

And  now  a  great  weariness  and  depression  fell  upon  me.  I 
was  threatened  with  a  return  of  the  illness  experienced  the  pre- 
vious autumn.  For  many  weeks  I  had  received  no  intelligence 
from  my  family.  ISTew  Orleans  had  fallen,  and  my  wife  and 
children  resided  there  or  on  an  estate  near  the  city.  I  hoped 
to  learn  of  them  at  Richmond ;  change  might  benefit  health, 
and  matters  were  quiet  in  the  Yalley.  Accordingly,  a  short 
leave  was  asked  for  and  granted  ;  and  although  I  returned  within 
three  days  to  join  my  command  on  the  march  to  Cold  Harbor, 


80  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

we  were  absorbed  in  the  larger  army  operating  against  MeClel- 
lan,  and  I  saw  bnt  little  of  Jackson. 

I  have  written  that  he  was  ambitious ;  and  his  ambition  was 
Vast,  all-absorbing.  Like  the  unhappy  wretch  from  whose  shoul- 
ders sprang  the  foul  serpent,  he  loathed  it,  perhaps  feared  it ; 
but  he  could  not  escape  it— it  was  himself — nor  rend  it — it  was 
his  own  flesh.  He  fought  it  with  prayer,  constant  and  earnest — 
Apollyon  and  Christian  in  ceaseless  combat.  What  limit  to  set 
to  his  ability  I  know  not,  for  he  was  ever  superior  to  occasion. 
Under  ordinary  circumstances  it  was  difficult  to  estimate  him 
because  of  his  peculiarities — peculiarities  that  would  have  made 
a  lesser  man  absurd,  but  that  served  to  enhance  his  martial  fame, 
as  those  of  Samuel  Johnson  did  his  literary  eminence.  He 
once  observed,  in  reply  to  an  allusion  to  his  severe  marching, 
that  it  was  better  to  lose  one  man  in  marching  than  five  in  fight- 
ing ;  and,  acting  on  this,  he  invariably  surprised  the  enemy — 
Milroy  at  McDowell,  Banks  and  Fremont  in  the  Valley, 
McClellan's  right  at  Cold  Harbor,  Pope  at  second  Manassas. 

Fortunate  in  his  death,  he  fell  at  the  summit  of  glory,  before 
the  .sun  of  the  Confederacy  had  set,  ere  defeat,  and  suffering, 
and  selfishness  could  turn  their  fangs  upon  him.  As  one  man, 
the  South  wept  for  him  ;  foreign  nations  shared  the  grief ;  even 
Federals  praised  him.  "With  "Wolfe  and  Nelson  and  Havelock, 
he  took  his  place  in  the  hearts  of  English-speaking  peoples. 

In  the  first  years  of  this  century,  a  great  battle  was  fought 
on  the  plains  of  the  Danube.  A  determined  charge  on  the 
Austrian  center  gained  the  victory  for  France.  The  courage 
and  example  of  a  private  soldier,  who  there  fell,  contributed 
much  to  the  success  of  the  charge.  Ever  after,  at  the  parades 
of  his  battalion,- the  name  of  Latour  d'Auvergne  was  first  called,, 
when  the  oldest  sergeant  stepped  to  the  front  and  answered,, 
"  Died  on  the  field  of  honor."  In  Valhalla,  beyond  the  grave, 
where  spirits  of  warriors  assemble,  when  on  the  roll  of  heroes 
the  name  of  Jackson  is  reached,  it  will  be  for  the  majestic  shade 
of  Lee  to  pronounce  the  highest  eulogy  known  to  our  race — 
"  Died  on  the  field  of  duty." 

I  reached  Eichmond,  by  Charlottesville  and  Lynchburg,  the 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN.  81 

day  after  leaving  camp,  and  went  to  the  war  office,  where  I 
found  letters  from  my  family.  My  wife  and  children  had.  left 
New  Orleans  on  a  steamer  just  as  Farragut's  fleet  arrived,  and 
were  on  the  Atchafalaya  River  with  friends,  all  well.  "While 
reading  my  letters,  an  acquaintance  in  high  position  in  the  office 
greeted  me,  hut  went  on  to  say,  if  I  knew  what  was  afoot,  my 
stay  in  Richmond  would  be  short.  Taking  the  hint,  and  feel- 
ing improved  in  health  in  consequence  of  relief  from  anxiety 
about  my  family,  I  returned  to  the  station  at  once,  and  took 
rail  to  Charlottesville.  Arrived  there,  I  met  the  Yalley  army 
in  march  to  the  southeast,  and  joined  my  command. 

That  night  we  cajnped  between  Charlottesville  and  Gordons- 
ville,  in  Orange  County,  the  birthplace  of  my  father.  A  dis- 
tant kinsman,  whom  I  had  never  met,  came  to  invite  me  to  his 
house  in  the  neighborhood.  Learning  that  I  always  slept  in 
camp,  he  seemed  so  much  distressed  as  to  get  my  consent  to 
breakfast  with  him,  if  he  would  engage  to  have  breakfast  at 
the  barbarous  hour  of  sunrise.  His  house  was  a  little  distant 
from  the  road  ;  so,  the  following  morning,  he  sent  a  mounted 
groom  to  show  the  way.  My  aide,  young  Hamilton,  accompa- 
nied me,  and  Tom  of  course  followed.  It  was  a  fine  old  man- 
sion, surrounded  by  well-kept  grounds.  This  immediate  region 
had  not  yet  been  touched  by  war.  Flowering  plants  and  rose 
trees,  in  full  bloom,  attested  the  glorious  wealth  of  June.  On 
the  broad  portico,  to  welcome  us,  stood  the  host,  with  his  fresh, 
charming  wife,  and,  a  little  retired,  a  white-headed  butler. 
Greetings  over  with  host  and  lady,  this  delightful  creature,  with 
ebon  face  beaming  hospitality,  advanced,  holding  a  salver,  on 
which  rested  a  huge  silver  goblet  filled  with  Virginia's  nectar, 
mint  julep.  Quantities  of  cracked  ice  rattled  refreshingly  in  the 
goblet ;  sprigs  of  fragant  mint  peered  above  its  broad  rim ;  a 
mass  of  white  sugar,  too  sweetly  indolent  to  melt,  rested  on  the 
mint ;  and,  like  rose  buds  on  a  snow  bank,  luscious  strawberries 
crowned  the  sugar.  Ah !  that  julep !  Mars  ne'er  received  such 
tipple  from  the  hands  of  Ganymede.  Breakfast  was  announced, 
and  what  a  breakfast !  A  beautiful  service,  snowy  table  cloth, 
damask  napkins,  long  unknown ;  above  all,  a  lovely  woman  in 
6 


82  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION 

crisp  gown,  with  more  and  handsomer  roses  on  her  cheek  than 
in  her  garden.  'Twas  an  idyl  in  the  midst  of  the  stern  reali- 
ties of  war !  The  table  groaned  beneath  its  viands.  Sable  ser- 
vitors brought  in,  hot  and  hot  from  the  kitchen,  cakes  of  won- 
drous forms,  inventions  of  the  tropical  imagination  of  Africa, 
inflamed  by  Yirginian  hospitality.  I  was  rather  a  moderate 
trencherman,  but  the  performance  of  Hamilton  was  Gargan- 
tuan, alarming.  Duty  dragged  us  from  this  Eden ;  yet  in  hur- 
ried adieus  I  did  not  forget  to  claim  of  the  fair  hostess  the 
privilege  of  a  cousin.  I  watched  Hamilton  narrowly  for  a  time. 
The  youth  wore  a  sodden,  apoplectic  look,  quite  out  of  his 
usual  brisk  form.  A  gallop  of  some  miles  put  him  right,  but 
for  many  days  he  dilated  on  the  breakfast  with  the  gusto  of  one 
of  Hannibal's  veterans  on  the  delights  of  Capua. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

"THE   SEVEN"   DAYS   ABOUND  RICHMOND." 

Leaving  Gordonsville,  we  proceeded  in  a  southeasterly  di- 
rection, passing  Louisa  Court  House  and  Frederickshall,  and 
camped  at  Ashland  on  the  Fredericksburg  Railway,  twelve  miles 
north  of  Richmond,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  June.  To 
deceive  the  enemy,  General  Lee  had  sent  to  the  Valley  a  con- 
siderable force  under  Generals  Whiting,  Hood,  and  Lawton. 
The  movement  was  openly  made  and  speedily  known  at  Wash- 
ington, where  it  produced  the  desired  impression,  that  Jackson 
would  invade  Maryland  from  the  Valley.  These  troops  reached 
Staunton  by  rail  on  the  17th,  and,  without  leaving  the  train, 
turned  back  to  Gordonsville,  where  they  united  with  Jackson. 
The  line  from  Gordonsville  to  Frederickshall,  south  of  which 
point  it  had  been  interrupted,  was  used  to  facilitate  our  move- 
ment, but  this  was  slow  and  uncertain.  The  advance  frequently 
halted  or  changed  direction.  We  were  pushing  between  Mc- 
Dowell and  McClellan's  right,  over  ground  recently  occupied 
by  the  enemy.  Bridges  had  been  destroyed,  and,  to  conceal 
the  movement,  no  guides  were  trusted — an  over-caution  occa- 
sioning delay. 

During  the  day  and  night  of  the  25th  I  suffered  from  severe 
pains  in  the  head  and  loins,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  26th 
found  it  impossible  to  mount  my  horse ;  so  the  brigade  marched 
under  the  senior  colonel,  Seymour,  6th  regiment.  A  small  am- 
bulance was  left  with  me,  and  my  staff  was  directed  to  accom- 
pany Seymour  and  send  back  word  if  an  engagement  was  im- 
minent. Several  messages  came  during  the  day,  the  last  after 
nightfall,  reporting  the  command  to  be  camped  near  Pole  Green 


84  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Church,  beyond  the  Chickahoniiny ;  so  far,  no  fighting.  Lying 
on  the  floor  of  a  vacant  house  at  Ashland,  I  had  scarce  con- 
sciousness to  comprehend  these  messages.  Pains  in  head  and 
back  continued,  with  loss  of  power  to  move  my  limbs. 

Toward  daylight  of  the  27th  sleep  came  from  exhaustion, 
and  lasted  some  hours.  From  this  I  was  aroused  by  sounds  of 
artillery,  loud  and  constant,  brought  by  the  easterly  wind.  Tom 
raised  me  into  a  sitting  posture,  and  administered  a  cup  of  strong 
coffee.  The  sound  of  battle  continued  until  it  became  unen- 
durable, and  I  was  put  into  the  ambulance  by  Tom  and  the 
driver,  the  former  following  with  the  horses.  "We  took  the 
route  by  which  the  troops  had  marched,  the  din  of  conflict  in- 
creasing with  every  mile,  the  rattle  of  small  arms  mingling  with 
the  thud  of  guns.  After  weary  hours  of  rough  road,  every  jolt 
on  which  threatened  to  destroy  my  remaining  vitality,  we  ap- 
proached Cold  Harbor  and  met  numbers  of  wounded.  Among 
these  was  General  Ekey,  with  a  dreadful  wound  in  the  head 
and  face.  His  aide  was  taking  him  to  the  rear  in  an  ambulance, 
and,  recognizing  Tom,  stopped  a  moment  to  tell  of  the  fight. 
Ewell's  division,  to  which  Elzey  and  I  belonged,  had  just  been 
engaged  with  heavy  loss.  This  was  too  much  for  any  illness, 
and  I  managed  somehow  to  struggle  on  to  my  horse  and  get 
into  the  action. 

It  was  a  wild  scene.  Battle  was  raging  furiously.  Shot, 
shell,  and  ball  exploded  and  whistled.  Hundreds  of  wounded 
were  being  carried  off,  while  the  ground  was  strewn  with  dead. 
Dense  thickets  of  small  pines  covered  much  of  the  field,  further 
obscured  by  clouds  of  smoke.  The  first  troops  encountered 
were  D.  H.  Hill's,  and,  making  way  through  these,  I  came  upon 
Winder's,  moving  across  the  front  from  right  to  left.  Then 
succeeded  Elzey's  of  Ewell's  division,  and,  across  the  road  leading 
to  Gaines's  Mill,  my  own.  Mangled  and  bleeding,  as  were  all 
of  Ewell's,  it  was  holding  the  ground  it  had  won  close  to  the 
enemy's  line,  but  unable  to  advance.  The  sun  was  setting  as  I 
joined,  and  at  the  moment  cheers  came  up  from  our  left,  raised 
by  Winder's  command,  which  had  turned  and  was  sweeping 
the  Eederal  right,  while  Lawton's  Georgians,  fresh  and  eager, 


-    "THE  SEVEN"  DAYS  AROUND  RICHMOND."  85 

attacked  in  our  front.  The  enemy  gave  way,  and,  under  cover 
of  the  night,  retired  over  the  Chickahominy.  Firing  continued 
for  two  hours,  though  darkness  concealed  everything. 

The  loss  in  my  command  was  distressing.  Wheat,  of  whom 
I  have  written,  was  gone,  and  Seymour,  and  many  others.  I 
had  a  wretched  feeling  of  guilt,  especially  about  Seymour,  who 
led  the  brigade  and  died  in  my  place.  Colonel  Seymour  was 
bom  in  Georgia,  but  had  long  resided  in  ISTew  Orleans,  where 
he  edited  the  leading  commercial  paper — a  man  of  culture,  re- 
spected of  all.  In  early  life  he  had  served  in  Indian  and  Mex- 
ican wars,  and  his  high  spirit  brought  him  to  this,  though  past 
middle  age.  Brave  old  Seymour !  I  can  see  him  now,  mount- 
ing the  hill  at  Winchester,  on  foot,  with  sword  and  cap  in  hand, 
his  thin  gray  locks  streaming,  turning  to  his  sturdy  Irishmen 
with  "  Steady,  men !  dress  to  the  right ! "  Georgia  has  been 
fertile  of  worthies,  but  will  produce  none  more  deserving  than 
Colonel  Seymour. 

The  following  morning,  while  looking  to  the  burial  of  the 
dead  and  care  of  the  wounded,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  examin- 
ing the  field  of  battle.  The  campaign  around  Richmond  is  too 
well  known  to  justify  me  in  entering  into  details,  and  I  shall 
confine  myself  to  events  within  my  own  experience,  only  en- 
larging on  such  general  features  as  are  necessary  to  explain 
criticism. 

The  Chickahominy,  a  sluggish  stream  and  subject  to  floods, 
flows  through  a  low,  marshy  bottom,  draining  the  country  be- 
tween the  Pamunky  or  York  and  James  Rivers,  into  which  last 
it  discharges  many  miles  below  Richmond.  The  upper  portion 
of  its  course  from  the  crossing  of  the  Central  Railroad,  six  miles 
north  of  Richmond,  to  Long  Bridge,  some  three  times  that  dis- 
tance to  the  southeast,  is  parallel  with  both  the  above-mentioned 
rivers.  The  bridges  with  which  we  were  concerned  at  and  after 
Cold  Harbor  were  the  Federal  military  bridges,  Grapevine, 
York  River  Railroad,  Bottom's,  and  Long,  the  lowermost ;  after 
which  the  stream,  affected  by  tide,  spread  over  a  marshy  coun- 
try. The  upper  or  Grapevine  Bridge  was  on  the  road  leading 
due  south  from  Cold  Harbor,  and,  passing  Savage's  Station  on 


86  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

York  River  Railroad,  united  with  the  Williamsburg  road,  which 
ran  east  from  Richmond  to  Bottom's  Bridge.  A  branch  from 
this  "Williamsburg  road  continued  on  the  south  bank  of  the 
Chickahominy  to  Long  Bridge,  where  it  joined  the  Charles  City, 
Darbytown,  and  Newmarket  roads  coming  south-southeast  from 
Richmond.  Many  other  roads,  with  no  names  or  confusing  ones, 
crossed  this  region,  which  was  densely  wooded  and  intersected 
by  sluggish  streams,  draining  the  marshes  into  both  the  Chicka- 
hominy and  James.  We  came  upon  two  of  these  country 
roads  leading  in  quite  different  directions,  but  bearing  the  same 
name,  Grapevine ;  and  it  will  astound  advocates  of  phonics  to 
learn  that  the  name  of  Darby  (whence  Darbytown)  was  thus 
pronounced,  while  it  was  spelt  and  written  Enroughty.  A  Ger- 
man philologist  might  have  discovered,  unaided,  the  connection 
between  the  sound  and  the  letters  ;  but  it  would  hardly  have 
occurred  to  mortals  of  less  erudition. 

At  the  beginning  of  operations  in  this  Richmond  campaign, 
Lee  had  seventy-five  thousand  men,  McClellan  one  hundred 
thousand.  Round  numbers  are  here  given,  but  they  are  taken 
from  official  sources.  A  high  opinion  has  been  expressed  of 
the  strategy  of  Lee,  by  which  Jackson's  forces  from  the  Yal- 
ley  were  suddenly  thrust  between  McDowell  and  McClellan's 
right,  and  it  deserves  all  praise ;  but  the  tactics  on  the  field  were 
vastly  inferior  to  the  strategy.  Indeed,  it  may  be  confidently 
asserted  that  from  Cold  Harbor  to  Malvern  Hill,  inclusive, 
there  was  nothing  but  a  series  of  blunders,  one  after  another, 
and  all  huge.  The  Confederate  commanders  knew  no  more 
about  the  topography  of  the  country  than  they  did  about  Cen- 
tral Africa.  Here  was  a  limited  district,  the  whole  of  it  within 
a  day's  march  of  the  city  of  Richmond,  capital  of  Virginia 
and  the  Confederacy,  almost  the  first  spot  on  the  continent  oc- 
cupied by  the  British  race,  the  Chickahominy  itself  classic  by 
legends  of  Captain  John  Smith  and  Pocahontas;  and  yet  we 
were  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  country,  were  without  maps, 
sketches,  or  proper  guides,  and  nearly  as  helpless  as  if  we  had 
been  suddenly  transferred  to  the  banks  of  the  Lualaba.  The 
day  before  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill,  President  Davis  could  not 


"THE  SEVEN"  DAYS  AROUND  RICHMOND."  87 

find  a  guide  with  intelligence  enough  to  show  him  the  way  from 
one  of  our  columns  to  another ;  and  this  fact  I  have  from  him. 
People  find  a  small  cable  in  the  middle  of  the  ocean,  a  thousand 
fathoms  below  the  surface.  For  two  days  we  lost  McClellan's 
great  army  in  a  few  miles  of  woodland,  and  never  had  any  defi- 
nite knowledge  of  its  movements.  Let  it  be  remembered,  too, 
that  McClellan  had  opened  the  peninsular  campaign  weeks  be- 
fore, indicating  this  very  region  to  be  the  necessary  theatre  of 
conflict ;  that  the  Confederate  commander  (up  to  the  time  of  his 
wound  at  Fair  Oaks),  General  Johnston,  had  been  a  topographi- 
cal engineer  in  the  United  States  army ;  while  his  successor, 
General  Lee — another  engineer — had  been  on  duty  at  the  war 
office  in  Kichmond  and  in  constant  intercourse  with  President 
Davis,  who  was  educated  at  "West  Point  and  served  seven  years ; 
and  then  think  of  our  ignorance  in  a  military  sense  of  the  ground 
over  which  we  were  called  to  fight.  Every  one  must  agree  that 
it  was  amazing.  Even  now,  I  can  scarcely  realize  it.  McClel- 
lan was  as  superior  to  us  in  knowledge  of  our  own  land  as  were 
the  Germans  to  the  French  in  their  late  war,  and  owed  the  suc- 
cess of  his  retreat  to  it,  although  credit  must  be  given  to  his  abil- 
ity. "We  had  much  praying  at  various  headquarters,  and  large 
reliance  on  special  providences ;  but  none  were  vouchsafed,  by 
pillar  of  cloud  or  fire,  to  supplement  our  ignorance ;  so  we  blun- 
dered on  like  people  trying  to  read  without  knowledge  of  their 
letters. 

To  return  to  the  field  of  Cold  Harbor,  the  morning  (Satur- 
day) after  the  battle.  McClellan  had  chosen  an  excellent  posi- 
tion, covering  his  military  bridges  over  the  Chickahominy.  His 
left,  resting  on  the  river,  and  his  center  were  covered  by  a  small 
stream,  one  of  its  affluents,  boggy  and  of  difficult  passage.  His 
right  was  on  high  ground,  near  Cold  Harbor,  in  a  dense  thicket 
of  pine-scrub,  with  artillery  massed.  This  position,  three  miles 
in  extent,  and  enfiladed  in  front  by  heavy  guns  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  was  held  by  three  lines  of  infantry, 
one  above  the  other  on  the  rising  ground,  which  was  crowned- 
with  numerous  batteries,  concealed  by  timber.  McClellan  re- 
ported thirty-six  thousand  men  present,  including  Sykes's  and, 


88  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Porter's  regulars ;  but  reenf  orcements  brought  over  during  the 
action  probably  increased  this  number  to  fifty  thousa'nd.  Lee 
had  forty  thousand  on  the  field. 

Longstreet  attacked  on  our  right,  near  the  river,  A.  P.  Hill 
on  his  left.  Jackson  approached  Cold  Harbor  from  the  north, 
his  divisions  in  column  on  one  road  as  follows :  Ewell's,  Whiting's, 
Lawton's  (Georgians),  and  Winder's.  At  Cold  Harbor  Jackson 
united  with  the  division  of  D.  H.  Hill,  in  advance  of  him,  and 
directed  it  to  find  and  attack  the  enemy's  right.  His  own  divi- 
sions, in  the  order  above  named,  were  to  come  up  on  D.  H.  Hill's 
right  and  connect  it  with  A.  P.  Hill's  left.  Artillery  was  only 
employed  by  the  Confederates  late  in  the  day,  and  on  their  ex- 
treme left. 

D.  H.  Hill  and  Ewell  were  speedily  engaged,  and  suffered 
heavily,  as  did  A.  P.  Hill  and  Longstreet,  all  attacking  in  front. 
Ignorance  of  the  ground,  densely  wooded,  and  want  of  guides 
occasioned  confusion  and  delay  in  the  divisions  to  Ewell's  rear. 
Lawton  came  to  Ewell's  support,  "Whiting  to  A.  P.  Hill's ;  while 
of  the  three  brigades  of  the  last  division,  the  second  went  to 
Longstreet's  right,  the  third  to  A.  P.  Hill's  center,  and  the  first 
was  taken  by  Winder,  with  a  fine  soldierly  instinct,  from  right 
to  left,  across  the  battle,  to  reenf orce  D.  H.  Hill  and  turn  the 
Federal  position.  This  movement  was  decisive,  and  if  executed 
earlier  would  have  saved  loss  of  men  and  time.  So  much  for 
fighting  on  unknown  ground. 

During  the  day  of  Saturday,  McClellan  remained  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Chickahominy  with  guns  in  position  guard- 
ing his  bridges ;  and  the  only  movement  made  by  Lee  was  to 
send  Stuart's  cavalry  east  to  the  river  terminus  of  the  York 
Railway,  and  Ewell's  division  to  the  bridge  of  that  line  over 
the  Chickahominy  and  to  Bottom's,  a  short  distance  below. 
Late  in  the  evening  General  Lee  informed  me  that  I  would  re- 
main the  following  day  to  guard  Bottom's  and  the  railway 
bridges,  while  Stuart's  cavalry  watched  the  river  below  to  Long 
Bridge  and  beyond.  From  all  indications,  he  thought  that 
McClellan  would  withdraw  during  the  night,  and  expected  to 
cross  the  river  in  the  morning  to  unite  with  Magruder  and 


"THE  SEVEN  DAYS  AROUND  RICHMOND."  89 

Huger  in  pursuit.  Holmes's  division  was  to  be  brought  from 
the  south'  side  of  the  James  to  bar  the  enemy's  road ;  and  he 
expressed  some  confidence  that  his  dispositions  would  inflict 
serious  loss  on  McClellan's  army,  if  he  could  receive  prompt 
and  accurate  information  of  that  General's  movements.  Mean- 
time, I  would  remain  until  the  following  (Sunday)  evening, 
unless  sooner  convinced  of  the  enemy's  designs,  when  I  would 
cross  Grapevine  Bridge  and  follow  Jackson.  It  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed that  General  Lee  disclosed  so  much  of  his  plans  to  his 
subordinates  as  he  deemed  necessary  to  insure  their  intelligent 
execution. 

The  morning  light  showed  that  the  Federals  had  destroyed 
a  part  of  the  railway  bridge  near  the  center  of  the  stream. 
We  were  opposite  to  Savage's  Station  (on  the  line  toward  Rich- 
mond), from  which  distinct  sounds  reached  us,  but  dense  forest 
limited  vision  to  the  margin  of  the  river.  Smoke  rising  above 
the  trees,  and  explosions,  indicated  the  destruction  of  stores. 
In  the  afternoon,  a  great  noise  of  battle  came — artillery,  small 
arms,  shouts.  This,  as  we  afterward  learned,  was  Magruder's 
engagement  at  Savage's  Station,  but  this  din  of  combat  was  si- 
lenced to  our  ears  by  the  following  incident :  A  train  was  heard 
approaching  from  Savage's.  Gathering  speed,  it  came  rushing 
on,  and  quickly  emerged  from  the  forest,  two  engines  drawing 
a  long  string  of  carriages.  Reaching  the  bridge,  the  engines 
exploded  with  terrific  noise,  followed  in  succession  by  explo- 
sions of  the  carriages,  laden  with  ammunition.  Shells  burst  in 
all  directions,  the  river  was  lashed  into  foam,  trees  were  torn 
for  acres  around,  and  several  of  my  men  were  wounded.  The 
enemy  had  taken  this  means  of  destroying  surplus  ammunition. 

After  this  queer  action  had  ceased,  as  sunset  was  approach- 
ing, and  all  quiet  at  Bottom's  Bridge,  we  moved  up  stream  and 
crossed  Grapevine  Bridge,  repaired  by  Jackson  earlier  in  the 
day.  Darkness  fell  as  we  bivouacked  on  the  low  ground  south 
of  the  river.  A  heavy  rain  came  down,  converting  the  ground 
into  a  lake,  in  the  midst  of  which  a  half -drowned  courier,  with 
a  dispatch,  was  brought  to  me.  With  difficulty,  underneath  an 
ambulance,  a  light  was  struck  to  read  the   dispatch,  which 


90  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

proved  to  be  from  Magruder,  asking  for  reinforcements  in  front 
of  Savage's  Station,  where  he  was  then  engaged.  Several  hours 
had  elapsed  since  the  courier  left  Magruder,  and  he  could  tell 
nothing  beyond  the  fact  of  the  engagement,  the  noise  of  which 
we  had  heard.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that,  during  the  oper- 
ations north  of  the  Chickahominy,  the  divisions  of  Magruder 
and  Huger  had  remained  in  position  between  McClellan's  left 
and  Richmond. 

In  the  night  the  enemy  disappeared  from  Savage's,  near 
which  we  passed  the  following  (Monday)  morning,  in  march  to 
rejoin  Jackson.  "We  encountered  troops  of  Magruder's,  Hu- 
ger's,  and  other  divisions,  seeking  to  find  their  proper  routes. 
Countless  questions  about  roads  were  asked  in  vain.  At  length, 
we  discovered  that  Jackson  had  followed  the  one  nearest  the 
Chickahominy,  and  about  noon  overtook  the  rear  of  his  column, 
halted  in  the  road.  Artillery  could  be  heard  in  front,  and  a 
staff  officer  was  sent  to  find  out  the  meaning  of  it. 

Enfeebled  by  pain,  I  used  an  ambulance  to  husband  my  lit- 
tle strength  for  emergencies;  and  I  think  it  was  here  that 
General  Wade  Hampton,  accompanied  by  Senator  Wigfall, 
came  up  to  me.  Hampton  had  been  promoted  to  brigadier  for 
gallantry  at  Manassas,  where  he  was  wounded,  but  not  yet  as- 
signed to  a  command.  Wigfall  had  left  the  army  to  take  a 
seat  in  the  Confederate  Congress  as  Senator  from  Texas,  and 
from  him  I  learned  that  he  was  in  hopes  some  brigadier  would 
be  killed  to  make  a  place  for  Hampton,  to  whom,  as  volunteer 
aide,  he  proposed  to  attach  himself  and  see  the  fun.  Finding 
me  extended  in  an  ambulance,  he  doubtless  thought  he  had  met 
his  opportunity,  and  felt  aggrieved  that  I  was  not  in  extremis. 
Hampton  took  command  of  a  brigade  in  Jackson's  old  division 
the  next  day,  and  perhaps  his  friend  "Wigfall  enjoyed  himself 
at  Malvern  Hill. 

The  staff  officer  returned  from  the  front  and  reported  the 
situation.  D.  H.  Hill's  division  was  at  White  Oak  Swamp  Creek, 
a  slough,  and  one  of  "  despond  "  to  us,  draining  to  the  Chicka- 
hominy. The  enemy  held  the  high  ground  beyond,  and  artil- 
lery fire  was  continuous,  but  no  infantry  was  engaged.     There 


"THE   SEVEN  DAYS  AROUND  RICHMOND."  91 

was  no  change  until  nightfall,  when  we  bivouacked  where  we 
were.  Our  loss,  one  artilleryman  mortally  wounded,  proved 
that  no  serious  effort  to  pass  the  slough  was  made ;  yet  a  prize 
was  in  reach  worth  the  loss  of  thousands.  "While  we  were  idly 
shelling  the  wood,  behind  which  lay  Franklin's  corps — the  right 
of  McClellan's  army — scarce  a  rifle  shot  to  the  southwest,  but 
concealed  by  intervening  forest,  Longstreet  and  A.  P.  Hill  were 
fighting  the  bloody  engagement  of  Frazier's  Farm  with  Heintzel- 
man  and  McCall,  the  Federal  center  and  left.  Again,  fractions 
against  masses;  for  of  the  two  divisions  expected  to  support 
them,  Magruder's  and  Huger's,  the  latter  did  not  get  up,  and 
the  former  was  taken  off  by  a  misleading  message  from  Holmes, 
who,  from  the  south  bank  of  the  James,  had  reached  the  New- 
market road  a  day  later  than  was  intended.  Longstreet  and 
Hill  fought  into  the  night,  held  a  large  part  of  the  field,  and 
captured  many  prisoners,  (including  General  McCall)  and  guns, 
but  their  own  loss  was  severe.  After  the  action,  Franklin 
quietly  passed  within  a  few  yards  of  them,  joined  Heintzel- 
man,  and  with  him  gained  Malvern  Hill,  which  McClellan  had 
fortified  during  the  day,  employing  for  the  purpose  the  com- 
mands of  Keyes  and  Porter. 

On  the  succeeding  morning  (July  1),  Jackson  followed  the 
enemy's  track  from  "White  Oak  Swamp  Creek  toward  Malvern 
Hill,  passing  the  field  of  Frazier's  Farm,  and  Magruder's  division, 
which  had  arrived  in  the  night  and  relieved  the  exhausted  com- 
mands of  Longstreet  and  Hill. 

Malvern  Hill  was  a  desperate  position  to  attack  in  front, 
though,  like  Cold  Harbor,  it  could  be  turned  on  the  right. 
Here  McClellan  was  posted  with  his  whole  force.  His  right 
was  covered  by  Turkey  Creek,  an  affluent  of  the  James ;  his  left 
was  near  that  river  and  protected  by  gunboats,  which,  though 
hidden  by  timber,  threw  shells  across  his  entire  front.  Distance 
and  uncertainty  of  aim  saved  us  from  much  loss  by  these  pro- 
jectiles, but  their  shriek  and  elongated  form  astonished  our  land- 
ward men,  who  called  them  lamp  posts.  By  its  height,  Malvern 
Hill  dominated  the  ground  to  the  north,  the  James  River,  and 
the  Newmarket  road  on  which  we  approached,  and  was  crowned 


92  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

with  a  numerous  and  heavy  artillery.  On  our  side,  from  inferior 
elevation,  artillery  labored  under  a  great  disadvantage,  and  was 
brought  into  action  in  detail  to  be  overpowered. 

The  left  attack  was  assigned  to  Jackson,  the  right  to  Ma- 
gruder,  supported  by  Huger  and  Holmes — Longstreet  and  A.  P. 
Hill  in  reserve.  Jackson's  dispositions  were  as  follows :  On  the 
extreme  left,  the  division  of  Whiting,  then  artillery  supported 
by  a  brigade  under  Wade  Hampton,  my  brigade,  and  on  my 
right  the  division  of  D.  H.  Hill.  In  reserve  were  the  remainder 
of  Ewell's  division  and  the  brigades  of  Winder,  Lawton,  and 
Cunningham.  It  was  perhaps  3  o'clock  of  the  afternoon  before 
these  dispositions  were  completed. 

As  it  was  General  Lee's  intention  to  open  from  his  right, 
Magruder  was  waited  for,  who,  following  Jackson  on  the  road, 
was  necessarily  later  in  getting  into  position.  Orders  were  for 
Hill  to  attack  with  the  bayonet  as  soon  as  he  heard  the  cheers 
of  Magruder's  charge.  To  be  ready,  Hill  advanced  over  open 
ground  to  some  timber  within  four  hundred  yards  of  the  ene- 
my's line,  but  suffered  in  doing  so.  Artillery  sent  to  his  sup- 
port was  crippled  and  driven  off.  It  was  5  o'clock  or  after  when 
a  loud  shout  and  some  firing  were  heard  on  the  right,  and,  sup- 
posing this  to  be  Magruder's  attack,  Hill  led  his  men  to  the 
charge.  He  carried  the  first  line  of  the  enemy,  who,  unoccu- 
pied elsewhere,  reenf  orced  at  once,  and  Hill  was  beaten  off  with 
severe  loss.  The  brigades  of  Trimble,  Lawton,  Winder,  and  Cun- 
ningham were  sent  to  his  assistance,  but  could  accomplish  nothing 
beyond  holding  the  ground.  About  sunset,  after  Hill's  attack 
had  failed,  Magruder  got  into  position  and  led  on  his  men  with 
similar  fortune.  Like  Hill,  he  and  his  troops  displayed  superb 
courage  and  suffered  enormously ;  but  it  was  not  to  be  ;  such 
partial  attacks  were  without  the  first  element  of  success.  My 
brigade  was  not  moved  from  its  position,  but  experienced  some 
loss  by  artillery. 

After  the  action,  Stuart  arrived  from  the  north  side  of  the 
Chickahominy,  where  he  had  been  since  Cold  Harbor.  Had  he 
been  brought  over  the  Long  Bridge  two  days  earlier,  McClellan's 
huge  trains  on  the  Charles  City  road  would  have  fallen  an  easy 


"THE  SEVEN"  DAYS  ABOUND  KICHMOND."  93 

prey  to  his  cavalry,  and  he  could  have  blocked  the  roads  through 
the  forest. 

McClellau's  guns  continued  firing  long  after  nightfall,  but 
the  ensuing  morning  found  him  and  his  army  at  Harrison's 
Landing,  in  an  impregnable  position.  Here  ended  the  cam- 
paign around  Richmond. 

The  strategy  displayed  on  the  Confederate  side  was  magnifi- 
cent, and  gave  opportunity  for  resplendent  success;  but  this 
opportunity  was  lost  by  tactical  mistakes,  occasioned  by  want  of 
knowledge  of  the  theatre  of  action,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that 
Time,  when  he  renders  his  verdict,  will  declare  the  gallant  dead 
who  fell  at  Gaines's  Mill,  Cold  Harbor,  Frazier's  Farm,  and  Mal- 
vern Hill,  to  have  been  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  the  bloodiest 
of  all  Molochs — Ignorance. 

The  crisis  of  my  illness  now  came  in  a  paralysis  of  the  lower 
limbs,  and  I  was  taken  to  Eichmond,  where  I  learned  of  my 
promotion  to  major-general,  on  the  recommendation  of  Jack- 
son, for  services  in  the  Yalley,  and  assignment  to  a  distant 
field. 

Having  expressed  an  opinion  of  McClellan  as  an  organizer 
of  armies,  I  will  now  treat  of  his  conduct  as  a  commander  in 
this  and  his  subsequent  campaign.  His  first  operations  on  the 
peninsula  were  marked  by  a  slowness  and  hesitancy  to  be  ex- 
pected of  an  engineer,  with  small  experience  in  handling  troops. 
His  opponent,  General  Magruder,  was  a  man  of  singular  versa- 
tility. Of  a  boiling,  headlong  courage,  he  was  too  excitable  for 
high  command.  Widely  known  for  social  attractions,  he  had  a 
histrionic  vein,  and  indeed  was  fond  of  private  theatricals.  Few 
managers  could  have  surpassed  him  in  imposing  on  an  audience 
a  score  of  supernumeraries  for  a  grand  army.  Accordingly, 
with  scarce  a  tenth  the  force,  he  made  McClellan  reconnoiter 
and  deploy  with  all  the  caution  of  old  Melas,  till  Johnston  came 
up.  It  is  true  that  McClellan  steadily  improved,  and  gained 
confidence  in  himself  and  his  army ;  yet  he  seemed  to  regard 
the  latter  as  a  parent  does  a  child,  and,  like  the  first  Frederick 
William's  gigantic  grenadiers,  too  precious  for  gunpowder. 


94  DESTRUCTION  AND.  RECONSTRUCTION. 

His  position  in  front  of  Richmond,  necessitated  by  the  es- 
tablishment of  his  base  on  York  River,  was  vicious,  because  his 
army  was  separated  by  the  Chickahominy,  a  stream  subject  to 
heavy  floods,  which  swept  away  bridges  and  made  the  adjacent 
lowlands  impassable.  Attacked  at  Fair  Oaks  while  the  river 
was  in  flood,  he  displayed  energy,  but  owed  the  escape  of  his 
two  exposed  corps  to  Johnston's  wound  and  the  subsequent  blun- 
ders of  the  Confederates.  To  operate  against  Richmond  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  James,  his  proper  plan  was  to  clear  that  river 
and  rest  his  left  upon  it,  or  to  make  the  Potomac  and  Rappa- 
hannock his  base,  as  the  line  of  rail  from  Aquia  and  Fredericks- 
burg was  but  little  longer  than  the  York  River  line.  This, 
keeping  him  more  directly  between  the  Confederate  army  and 
Washington,  would  have  given  him  McDowell's  corps,  the  with- 
drawal of  which  from  his  direction  he  earnestly  objected  to. 
The  true  line  of  attack  was  on  the  south  of  the  James,  where 
Grant  was  subsequently  forced  by  the  ability  of  Lee ;  but  it 
should  be  observed  that  after  he  took  the  field,  McClellan  had 
not  the  liberty  of  action  accorded  to  Grant.  That  Lee  caught 
his  right  "  in  the  air  "  at  Hanover  and  Cold  Harbor,  McClellan 
ascribes  to  his  Government's  interference  with  and  withdrawal 
of  McDowell's  corps.  Reserving  this,  he  fought  well  at  Gaines's 
Mill,  Cold  Harbor,  and  Frazier's  Farm.  Always  protecting  his 
selected  line  of  retreat,  bringing  off  his  movable  stores,  and  pre- 
serving the  organization  of  his  army,  he  restored  its  spirit  and 
morale  by  turning  at  Malvern  Hill  to  inflict  a  bloody  repulse  on 
his  enemy.  In  his  official  report  he  speaks  of  his  movement 
from  the  Chickahominy  to  Harrison's  Landing  on  the  James  as  a 
change  of  base,  previously  determined.  This  his  detractors 
sneer  at  as  an  afterthought,  thereby  unwittingly  enhancing  his 
merit.  Regarded  as  a  change  of  base,  carefully  considered  and 
provided  for,  it  was  most  creditable  ;  but  if  suddenly  and  unex- 
pectedly forced  upon  him,  he  exhibited  a  courage,  vigor,  and 
presence  of  mind  worthy  of  the  greatest  commanders. 

Safe  at  Harrison's  Landing,  in  communication  with  the  fleet, 
the  army  was  transferred  from  McClellan  to  the  command  of 
General  Pope ;  and  the  influence  of  McClellan  on  his  troops 


"THE  SEVEN  DAYS  AROUND  RICHMOND."  95 

can  not  be  correctly  estimated  without  some  allusion  to  this  offi- 
cer, under  whose  command  the  Federal  Army  of  the  Potomac 
suffered  such  mortifying  defeat.  Of  an  effrontery  while  danger 
was  remote  equaled  by  helplessness  when  it  was  present,  and 
mendacity  after  it  had  passed,  the  annals  of  despotism  scarce 
afford  an  example  of  the  elevation  of  such  a  favorite.  It  has 
been  said  that  his  talent  for  the  relation  of  obscene  stories  en- 
gaged the  attention  and  confidence  of  President  Lincoln.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  great  was  the  consternation  at  Washington 
produced  by  his  incapacity.  The  bitterness  of  official  rancor 
was  sweetened,  and  in  honeyed  phrase  McClellan  was  implored 
to  save  the  capital.  He  displayed  an  unselfish  patriotism  by 
accepting  the  task  without  conditions  for  himself,  but  it  may 
be  doubted  if  he  was  right  in  leaving  devoted  friends  under 
the  scalping-knife,  speedily  applied,  as  might  have  been  fore- 
seen. 

"With  vigor  he  restored  order  and  spirit  to  the  army,  and  led 
it,  through  the  passes  of  South  Mountain,  to  face  Lee,  who  was 
stretched  from  Chambersburg  to  Harper's  Ferry.  Having  un- 
accountably permitted  his  cavalry  to  separate  from  him,  and 
deprived  himself  of  adequate  means  of  information,  Lee  was  to 
some  extent  taken  unawares.  His  thin  lines  at  Antietam,  slow- 
ly fed  with  men  jaded  by  heavy  marching,  were  sorely  pressed. 
There  was  a  moment,  as  Hooker's  advance  was  stayed  by  the 
wound  of  its  leader,  when  McClellan,  with  storge  of  battle, 
might  have  led  on  his  reserves  and  swept  the  field.  Hard 
would  it  have  been  for  the  Confederates,  with  the  river  in  rear ; 
but  this  seemed  beyond  McClellan  or  outside  of  his  nature. 
Antietam  was  a  drawn  battle,  and  Lee  recrossed  into  Virginia 
at  his  leisure. 

While  it  may  be  confidently  believed  that  McClellan  would 
have  continued  to  improve  by  experience  in  the  field,  it  is 
doubtful  if  he  possessed  that  divine  spark  which  impels  a  com- 
mander, at  the  accepted  moment,  to  throw  every  man  on  the 
enemy  and  grasp  complete  victory.  But  his  Government  gave 
him  no  further  opportunity.  He  disappeared  from  the  war,  to 
be  succeeded  by  mediocrity,  too  well  recognized  to  disturb  the 


96  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

susceptibility  of  a  "War  Secretary  who,  like  Louvois,  was  able,- 
but  jealous  of  merit  and  lustful  of  power. 

Although  in  the  last  months  of  the  war,  after  he  had  as- 
sumed command  of  the  armies  of  the  Confederacy,  I  had  some 
correspondence  with  General  Lee,  I  never  met  him  again,  and 
indeed  was  widely  separated  from  him,  and  it  now  behooves  me 
to  set  forth  an  opinion  of  his  place  in  Southern  history.  Of 
all  the  men  I  have  seen,  he  was  best  entitled  to  the  epithet  of 
distinguished ;  and  *so  marked  was  his  appearance  in  this  par- 
ticular, that  he  would  not  have  passed  unnoticed  through  the 
streets  of  any  capital.  Reserved  almost  to  coldness,  his  calm 
dignity  repelled  familiarity :  not  that  he  seemed  without  sym- 
pathies, but  that  he  had  so  conquered  his  own  weaknesses  as  to 
prevent  the  confession  of  others  before  him.  At  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  his  reputation  was  exclusively  that  of  an  engineer, 
in  which  branch  of  the  military  service  of  the  United  States  he 
had,  with  a  short  exception,  passed  his  career.  He  was  early 
sent  to  Western  Yirginia  on  a  forlorn  hoj>e  against  Kosecrans, 
where  he  had  no  success ;  for  success  was  impossible.  Yet  his 
lofty  character  was  respected  of  all  and  compelled  public  confi- 
dence. Indeed,  his  character  seemed  perfect,  his  bath  in  Sty- 
gian waters  complete;  not  a  vulnerable  spot  remained:  totus 
teres  atque  rotundus.  His  soldiers  reverenced  him  and  had  un- 
bounded confidence  in  him,  for  he  shared  all  their  privations^ 
and  they  saw  him  ever  unshaken  of  fortune.  Tender  and  pro 
tecting  love  he  did  not  inspire :  such  love  is  given  to  weakness, 
not  to  strength.  Not  only  was  he  destitute  of  a  vulgar  greed 
for  fame,  he  would  not  extend  a  hand  to  welcome  it  when  it 
came  unbidden.  He  was  without  ambition,  and,  like  "Washing- 
ton, into  whose  family  connection  he  had  married,  kept  duty  as 
his  guide. 

The  strategy  by  which  he  openly,  to  attract  attention,  reen- 
forced  Jackson  in  the  Yalley,  to  thrust  him  between  McDowell 
and  McClellan  at  Cold  Harbor,  deserves  to  rank  with  Marl- 
borough's cross  march  in  Germany  and  Napoleon's  rapid  con- 
centration around  Ulm ;  though  his  tactical  manoeuvres  on  the 


"THE  SEYEK  DAYS  ABOUND  KICHMOND."  97 

field  were  inferior  to  the  strategy.  His  wonderful  defensive 
campaign  in  1864  stands  with  that  of  Napoleon  in  1813 ;  and 
the  comparison  only  fails  by  an  absence  of  sharp  returns  to  the 
offensive.  The  historian  of  the  Federal  Army  of  the  Potomac 
states  (and,  as  far  as  I  have  seen,  uncontradicted)  that  Grant's 
army,  at  second  Cold  Harbor,  refused  to  obey  the  order  to  at- 
tack, so  distressed  was  it  by  constant  butchery.  In  such  a  con- 
dition of  morale  an  advance  upon  it  might  have  changed 
history.  In  truth,  the  genius  of  Lee  for  offensive  war  had 
suffered  by  a  too  long  service  as  an  engineer.  Like  Erskine  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  it  was  not  his  forte.  In  both  the  An- 
tietam  and  Gettysburg  campaigns  he  allowed  his  cavalry  to 
separate  from  him,  and  was  left  without  intelligence  of  the 
enemy's  movements  until  he  was  upon  him.  In  both,  too,  his 
army  was  widely  scattered,  and  had  to  be  brought  into  action 
by  piecemeal.  There  was  an  abundance  of  supplies  in  the 
country  immediately  around  Harper's  Terry,  and  had  he  re- 
mained concentrated  there,  the  surrender  of  Miles  would  have 
been  advanced,  and  McClellan  met  under  favorable  conditions. 
His  own  report  of  Gettysburg  confesses  his  mistakes ;  for  he 
was  of  too  lofty  a  nature  to  seek  scapegoats,  and  all  the  ram- 
bling accounts  of  that  action  I  have  seen  published  add  but 
little  to  his  report.  These  criticisms  are  written  with  unaffected 
diffidence ;  but  it  is  only  by  studying  the  campaigns  of  great 
commanders  that  the  art  of  war  can  be  illustrated. 

Nevertheless,  from  the  moment  Lee  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  in  Yirginia,  he  was  facile  princeps  in  the 
war,  towering  above  all  on  both  sides,  as  the  pyramid  of  Ghizeh 
above  the  desert.  Steadfast  to  the  end,  he  upheld  the  waning 
fortunes  of  the  Confederacy  as  did  Hector  those  of  Troy. 
Last  scene  of  all,  at  his  surrender,  his  greatness  and  dignity 
made  of  his  adversary  but  a  humble  accessory;  and  if  de- 
parted intelligences  be  permitted  to  take  ken  of  the  affairs  of 
this  world,  the  soul  of  Light  Horse  Harry  rejoices  that  his  own 
eulogy  of  "Washington,  "  First  in  war,  first  in.  peace,  first  in  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen,"  is  now,  by  the  united  voice  of  the 
South,  applied  to  his  noble  son. 
7 


98  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Foregoing  criticisms  have  indicated  the  tendency  of  engineer 
service  to  unfit  men  for  command.  It  was  once  said  of  a  certain 
colonel  that  he  was  an  admirable  officer  when  absent  from  sol- 
diers. No  amount  of  theoretical  training  can  supply  the  knowl- 
edge gained  by  direct  and  immediate  association  with  troops. 
The  ablest  and  most  promising  graduates  from  West  Point  are 
annually  assigned  to  the  engineer  and  ordnance  corps.  After 
some  years  they  become  scientists,  perhaps  pedants,  but  not  sol- 
diers. Whatever  may  be  the  ultimate  destination  of  such  young 
men,  they  should  be  placed  on  duty  for  at  least  one  year  with 
each  arm  of  the  service,  and  all  officers  of  the  general  staff  below 
the  highest  grades  should  be  returned  to  the  line  for  limited 
periods.  In  no  other  way  can  a  healthy  connection  between 
line  and  staff  be  preserved.  The  United  States  will  doubtless 
continue  to  maintain  an  army,  however  small,  as  a  model,  if  for 
no  other  purpose,  for  volunteers,  the  reliance  of  the  country  in 
the  event  of  a  serious  war.  It  ought  to  have  the  best  possible 
article  for  the  money,  and,  to  secure  this,  should  establish  a 
camp  of  instruction,  composed  of  all  arms,  where  officers  could 
study  the  actual  movements  of  troops. 


CHAPTEK    VII. 


THE   DISTRICT   OF   LOUISIANA. 


A  month  of  rest  at  Richmond  restored  my  health,  which  sub- 
sequently remained  good ;  but  in  leaving  Virginia  I  was  sepa- 
rated from  my  brigade,  endeared  by  so  many  memories.  It 
remained  with  Lee's  army,  and  gained  distinction  in  many  bat- 
tles. As  the  last  preserved  of  Benjamin  on  the  rock  of  Pimmon, 
scarce  a  handful  survived  the  war ;  but  its  story  would  comprise 
much  of  that  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  and  I  hope 
some  survivor,  who  endured  till  the  end,  will  relate  it.  A  braver 
command  never  formed  line  of  battle. 

And  now  I  turned  my  steps  toward  the  West,  where,  beyond 
the  "  father  of  waters,"  two  years  of  hard  work  and  much  fight- 
ing awaited  me.  The  most  direct  route  to  the  Southwest  was 
by  Chattanooga,  where  General  Bragg  was  concentrating  the 
Army  of  Tennessee.  This  officer  had  requested  the  "War  De- 
partment to  assign  me  to  duty  with  his  army  as  chief  of  staff, 
and  it  was  suggested  to  me  to  call  on  him  en  route.  He  had 
reached  Chattanooga  in  advance  of  his  troops,  then  moving  from 
Tupelo  in  northern  Mississippi.  In  the  two  days  passed  at 
Chattanooga,  General  Bragg  communicated  to  me  his  plan  of 
campaign  into  Kentucky,  which  was  excellent,  giving  promise 
of  large  results  if  vigorously  executed ;  and  I  think  its  failure 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  infirmities  of  the  commander. 

Born  in  North  Carolina,  graduated  from  West  Point  in  1837, 
Bragg  served  long  and  creditably  in  the  United  States  artillery. 
In  the  war  with  Mexico  he  gained  much  celebrity,  especially 
at  Buena  Vista,  to  the  success  of  which  action,  under  the  imme- 
diate eye  of  General  Zachary  Taylor,  he  largely  contributed. 


100  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Resigning  the  service,  he  married  a  lady  of  Louisiana  and  pur- 
chased an  estate  on  the  Bayou  Lafourche,  where  he  resided  at 
the  outbreak  of  civil  war.  Promoted  to  the  rank  of  general 
after  the  death  of  Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  he  succeeded  Beau- 
regard, retired  by  ill  health,  in  command  of  the  Army  of  Ten- 
nessee. Possessing  experience  in  and  talent  for  war,  he  was  the 
most  laborious  of  commanders,  devoting  every  moment  to  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.  As  a  disciplinarian  he  far  surpassed 
any  of  the  senior  Confederate  generals;  but  his  method  and 
manner  were  harsh,  and  he  could  have  won  the  affections  of  his 
troops  only  by  leading  them  to  victory.  He  furnished  a  striking 
illustration  of  the  necessity  of  a  healthy  body  for  a  sound  intel- 
lect. Many  years  of  dyspepsia  had  made  his  temper  sour  and 
petulant ;  and  he  was  intolerant  to  a  degree  of  neglect  of  duty, 
or  what  he  esteemed  to  be  such,  by  his  officers.  A  striking  in- 
stance of  this  occurred  during  my  visit.  At  dinner,  surrounded 
by  his  numerous  staff,  I  inquired  for  one  of  his  division  com- 
manders, a  man  widely  known  and  respected,  and  received  this 

answer  :    "  General is  an  old  woman,  utterly  worthless." 

Such  a  declaration,  privately  made,  would  have  been  serious ; 
but  publicly,  and  certain  to  be  repeated,  it  was  astonishing. 

As  soon  as  we  had  withdrawn  to  his  private  room,  I  asked 

by  whom  he  intended  to  relieve  General .     "  Oh  !  by  no 

one.  I  have  but  one  or  two  fitted  for  high  command,  and  have 
in  vain  asked  the  War  Department  for  capable  people."  To  my 
suggestion  that  he  could  hardly  expect  hearty  cooperation  from 
officers  of  whom  he  permitted  himself  to  speak  contemptuously, 
he  replied :  "  I  speak  the  truth.  The  Government  is  to  blame 
for  placing  such  men  in  high  position."  From  that  hour  I  had 
misgivings  as  to  General  Bragg's  success,  and.  felt  no  regret  at 
the  refusal  of  the  authorities  to  assign  me  to  duty  with  him.  It 
may  be  said  of  his  subordinate  commanders  that  they  supported 
him  wonderfully,  in  despite  of  his  temper,  though  that  ulti- 
mately produced  dissatisfaction  and  wrangling.  Feeble  health, 
too,  unfitted  him  to  sustain  long-continued  pressure  of  responsi- 
bility, and  he  failed  in  the  execution  of  his  own  plan. 

The  movement  into  Kentucky  was  made  by  two  lines.    Gen- 


THE  DISTRICT  OF  LOUISIANA.  101 

eral  Kirby  Smith  led  a  subordinate  force  from  Knoxville,  East 
Tennessee,  through  Cumberland  Gap,  and,  defeating  the  Fed- 
erals in  a  spirited  action  at  Richmond,  Kentucky,  reached  Lex- 
ington, in  the  center  of  the  State,  and  threatened  Cincinnati. 
Bragg  moved  on  a  line  west  of  the  Cumberland  range  toward 
Louisville,  on  the  Ohio  River ;  and  this  movement  forced  the 
Federal  commander,  Buell,  to  march  north  to  the  same  point  by 
a  parallel  road,  farther  west.  Buell  left  garrisons  at  Nashville 
and  other  important  places,  and  sought  to  preserve  his  commu- 
nications with  Louisville,  his  base.  "Weakened  by  detachments, 
as  well  as  by  the  necessity  of  a  retrograde  movement,  Bragg 
should  have  brought  him  to  action  before  he  reached  Louisville. 
Defeated,  the  Federals  would  have  been  driven  north  of  the 
Ohio  to  reorganize,  and  Bragg  could  have  wintered  his  army  in 
the  fertile  and  powerful  State  of  Kentucky,  isolating  the  garri- 
sons in  his  rear ;  or,  if  this  was  impossible,  which  does  not  ap- 
pear, he  should  have  concentrated  against  Buell  when  the  latter, 
heavily  reenforced,  marched  south  from  Louisville  to  regain 
Nashville.  But  he  fought  a  severe  action  at  Perryville  with  a 
fraction  of  his  army,  and  retired  to  Central  Tennessee.  The  en- 
suing winter,  at  Murfreesboro,  he  contested  the  field  with  Rose- 
crans,  Buell's  successor,  for  three  days ;  and  though  he  won  a 
victory,  it  was  not  complete,  and  the  summer  of  1863  found  him 
again  at  Chattanooga.  In  the  mean  time,  a  Federalforce  under 
General  Burnside  passed  through  Cumberland  Gap,  and  occupied 
Knoxville  and  much  of  East  Tennessee,  severing  the  direct  line 
of  rail  communication  from  Richmond  to  the  Southwest. 

This  condensed  account  of  the  Kentucky  campaign,  extend- 
ing over  many  months,  is  given  because  of  my  personal  intimacy 
with  the  commander,  who  apprised  me  of  his  plans.  General 
Bragg  died  recently  in  Texas.  I  have  rarely  known  a  more  con- 
scientious, laborious  man.  Exacting  of  others,  he  never  spared 
himself,  but,  conquering  disease,  showed  a  constant  devotion  to 
duty ;  and  distinguished  as  were  his  services  in  the  cause  he 
espoused,  they  would  have  been  far  greater  had  he  enjoyed  the 
blessing  of  health. 

Leaving  Chattanooga,  I  proceeded  to  my  destination,  west- 


102  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ern  Louisiana,  and  crossed  the  Mississippi  at  the  entrance  of  Red 
River.  Some  miles  below,  in  the  Atchafalaya,  I  found  a  steam- 
er, and  learned  that  the  Governor  of  the  State  was  at  Opelousas, 
which  could  be  reached  by  descending  the  last  river  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Bayou  Courtableau,  navigable  at  high  water  to  the 
village  of  Washington,  six  miles  north  of  Opelousas.  Embark- 
ing on  the  steamer,  I  reached  the  junction  at  sunset,  but  the 
water  in  Courtableau  was  too  low  for  steam  navigation.  As  my 
family  had  sought  refuge  with  friends  in  the  vicinity  of  Wash- 
ington, I  was  anxious  to  get  on,  and  hired  a  boat,  with  four  negro 
oarsmen,  to  take  me  up  the  bayou,  twenty  miles.  The  narrow 
stream  was  overarched  by  trees  shrouded  with  Spanish  moss, 
the  universal  parasite  of  Southern  forests.  Heavy  rain  fell,  ac- 
companied by  vivid  lightning,  the  flashes  of  which  enabled  us 
to  find  our  way ;  and  before  dawn  I  had  the  happiness  to  em- 
brace wife  and  children  after  a  separation  of  fourteen  months. 
Some  hours  later  I  reached  Opelousas,  and  met  the  Governor, 
Thomas  O.  Moore,  with  whom  I  had  served  in  our  State  Assem- 
bly. This  worthy  gentleman,  a  successful  and  opulent  planter, 
had  been  elected  Governor  in  1860.  He  was  a  man  of  moder- 
ate temper  and  opinions,  but  zealously  aided  the  Confederate 
cause  after  his  State  had  joined  it.  Forced  to  leave  New  Or- 
leans by  the  approach  of  Farragut's  fleet,  he  brought  my  family 
with  him,  and  was  unwearied  in  kind  attentions. 

Melancholy  indeed  was  the  condition  of  the  "  District  of 
Louisiana,"  to  the  command  of  which  I  was  assigned. 

Confederate  authority  had  virtually  ceased  with  the  fall  of 
New  Orleans  in  the  previous  April.  Fortifications  at  Barataria, 
Berwick's  Bay,  and  other  Gulf -coast  points  had  been  abandoned, 
the  garrisons  withdrawn,  works  dismantled,  and  guns  thrown 
into  the  water.  The  Confederate  Government  had  no  soldiers, 
no  arms  or  munitions,  and  no  money,  within  the  limits  of  the 
district.  Governor  Moore  was  willing  to  aid  me  to  the  extent 
of  his  ability,  but,  deprived  by  the  loss  of  New  Orleans  and  the 
lower  river  parishes  of  half  the  population  and  three  fourths  of 
the  resources  of  his  State,  he  could  do  little. 

General  Magruder  had  recently  been  assigned  to  command 


THE  DISTKICT  OF  LOUISIANA.  103 

in  Texas,  and  General  Holmes,  the  senior  officer  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  was  far  to  the  north  in  Arkansas.  To  him  I  at  once 
reported  my  arrival  and  necessities.  Many  days  elapsed  before 
his  reply  was  received,  to  the  effect  that  he  could  give  me  no 
assistance,  as  he  meditated  a  movement  against  Helena  on  the 
Mississippi  Kiver.  Without  hope  of  aid  from  abroad,  I  addressed 
myself  to  the  heavy  task  of  arousing  public  sentiment,  apathetic 
if  not  hostile  from  disaster  and  neglect,  and  the  creation  of  some 
means  of  defense.  Such  was  the  military  destitution  that  a  re- 
giment of  cavalry  could  have  ridden  over  the  State,  while  innu- 
merable rivers  and  bayous,  navigable  a  large  part  of  the  year, 
would  admit  Federal  gunboats  to  the  heart  of  every  parish. 

To  understand  subsequent  operations  in  this  region,  one  must 
have  some  idea  of  its  topography  and  river  systems. 

Washed  on  the  east,  from  the  Arkansas  line  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  by  the  Mississippi,  western  Louisiana  is  divided  into 
two  not  very  unequal  parts  by  the  Red  River,  which,  entering 
the  State  at  its  northwestern  angle,  near  the  boundaries  of  Texas 
and  Arkansas,  flows  southeast  to  the  Mississippi  through  a  broad, 
fertile  valley,  then  occupied  by  a  population  of  large  slave-own- 
ers engaged  in  the  culture  of  cotton.  From  the  southern  slopes 
of  the  Ozark  Mountains  in  Central  Arkansas  comes  the  Washi- 
ta River  to  unite  with  the  Red,  a  few  miles  above  the  junction 
of  the  latter  with  the  Mississippi.  Preserving  a  southerly  course, 
along  the  eastern  foot  of  the  hills,  the  Washita  enters  the  State 
nearly  a  hundred  miles  west  of  the  Mississippi,  but  the  westerly 
trend  of  the  great  river  reduces  this  distance  until  the  waters 
meet.  The  alluvion  between  these  rivers,  protected  from  inun- 
dation by  levees  along  the  streams,  is  divided  by  many  bayous,, 
of  which  the  Tensas,  with  its  branch  the  Macon,  is  the  most  im- 
portant. These  bayous  drain  the  vast  swamps  into  the  Washitaj, 
and,  like  this  river,  are  in  the  season  of  floods  open  to  steam 
navigation.  Here  was  one  of  the  great  cotton-producing  regions 
of  the  South.  Estates  of  5,000  acres  and  more  abounded,,  and, 
with  the  numerous  slaves  necessary  to  their  cultivation,  were 
largely  under  the  charge  of  overseers,  while  the  proprietors  re- 
sided in  distant  and  more  healthy  localities.     Abundant  facili* 


104  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

ties  for  navigation  afforded  by  countless  streams  superseded  the 
necessity  for  railways,  and  but  one  line  of  some  eighty  miles  ex- 
isted. This  extended  from  Monroe  on  the  Washita  to  a  point 
opposite  Yicksburg  on  the  Mississippi ;  but  the  great  flood  of 
1862  had  broken  the  eastern  half  of  the  line.  Finally,  the  lower 
Washita,  at  Trinity,  where  it  receives  the  Tensas  from  the  east 
and  Little  River  from  the  west,  takes  the  name  of  Black  River. 
And  it  may  be  well  to  add  that  in  Louisiana  counties  are  called 
parishes,  dikes  levees,  and  streams  bayous. 

South  of  the  Red  River,  population  and  industries  change. 
The  first  is  largely  composed  of  descendants  of  French  colo- 
nists, termed  Creoles,  with  some  Spanish  intermixed,  and  the 
•sugar  cane  is  the  staple  crop,  changing  as  the  Gulf  is  approached 
to  rice.  At  the  point  where  the  united  Red  and  Washita  Rivers 
join  the  Mississippi,  which  here  changes  direction  to  the  east, 
the  Atchaf alaya  leaves  it,  and,  flowing  due  south  through  Grand 
Lake  and  Berwick's  Bay,  reaches  the  Gulf  at  Atchafalaya  Bay, 
two  degrees  west  of  its  parent  stream,  and  by  a  more  direct 
course.  Continuing  the  line  of  the  Red  and  Washita,  it  not 
only  discharges  much  of  their  waters,  but  draws  largely  from 
the  Mississippi  when  this  last  is  in  flood.  Midway  between  the 
Atchafalaya  and  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  some  eighty  miles 
from  either  point,  another  outlet  of  the  great  river,  the  Bayou 
Lafourche,  discharges  into  the  Gulf  after  passing  through  a 
densely  populated  district,  devoted  to  the  culture  of  sugar  cane 
and  rice.  A  large  lake,  Des  Allemands,  collects  the  waters 
from  the  higher  lands  on  the  river  and  bayou,  and  by  an  outlet 
of  the  same  name  carries  them  to  Barataria  Bay.  Lying  many 
feet  below  the  flood  level  of  the  streams,  protected  by  heavy 
dikes,  with  numerous  steam-engines  for  crushing  canes  and 
pumping  water,  and  canals  and  ditches  in  every  direction,  this 
region  resembles  a  tropical  Holland.  At  the  lower  end  of  Lake 
Des  Allemands  passed  the  only  line  of  railway  in  southern 
Louisiana,  from  a  point  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river  opposite 
New  Orleans  to  Berwick's  Bay,  eighty  miles.  Berwick's  Bay, 
which  is  but  the  Atchafalaya  after  it  issues  from  Grand  Lake,  is 
eight  hundred  yards  wide,  with  great  depth  of  water,  and  soon 


THE  DISTRICT  OF  LOUISIANA.  105 

meets  the  Gulf  in  Atchafalaya  Bay.  A  few  miles  above  the 
railway  terminus  at  Berwick's  there  enters  from  the  west  the 
Teche,  loveliest  of  Southern  streams.  Navigable  for  more  than 
a  hundred  miles,  preserving  at  all  seasons  an  equal  breadth  and 
depth,  so  gentle  is  its  flow  that  it  might  be  taken  for  a  canal, 
did  not  the  charming  and  graceful  curves,  by  which  it  separates 
the  undulating  prairies  of  Attakapas  from  the  alluvion  of  the 
Atchafalaya,  mark  it  as  the  handiwork  of  Nature.  Before  the 
war,  the  Teche  for  fifty  miles,  from  Berwick's  Bay  to  New  Ibe- 
ria, passed  through  one  field  of  sugar  canes,  the  fertile  and 
well-cultivated  estates  succeeding  each  other.  The  mansions  of 
the  opulent  planters,  as  well  as  the  villages  of  their  slaves,  were 
situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the  bayou  overlooking  the  broad, 
verdant  prairie,  where  countless  herds  roamed.  On  the  east 
bank,  the  dense  forest  had  given  way  to  fields  of  luxuriant 
canes ;  and  to  connect  the  two  parts  of  estates,  floating  bridges 
were  constructed,  with  openings  in  the  center  for  the  passage 
of  steamers.  Stately  live  oaks,  the  growth  of  centuries,  orange 
groves,  and  flowers  of  every  hue  and  fragrance  surrounded  the 
abodes  of  the  seigneurs  /  while  within,  one  found  the  grace  of 
the  salon  combined  with  the  healthy  cheeriness  of  country  life. 
Abundance  and  variety  of  game  encouraged  field  sports,  and 
the  waters,  fresh  and  salt,  swarmed  with  fish.  "With  the  sky 
and  temperature  of  Sicily,  the  breezes  from  prairie  and  Gulf 
were  as  health-giving  as  those  that  ripple  the  heather  on  Scotch 
moors.  In  all  my  wanderings,  and  they  have  been  many  and 
wide,  I  can  not  recall  so  fair,  so  bountiful,  and  so  happy  a  land. 
The  upper  or  northern  Teche  waters  the  parishes  of  St. 
Landry,  Lafayette,  and  St.  Martin's — the  Attakapas,  home  of  the 
"Acadians."  What  the  gentle,  contented  Creole  was  to  the 
restless,  pushing  American,  that  and  more  was  the  Acadian  to 
the  creole.  In  the  middle  of  the  past  century,  when  the  victo- 
ries of  "Wolfe  and  Amherst  deprived  France  of  her  Northern 
possessions,  the  inhabitants  of  Nouvelle  Acadie,  the  present 
Nova  Scotia,  migrated  to  the  genial  clime  of  the  Attakapas, 
where  beneath  the  flag  of  the  lilies  they  could  preserve  their 
allegiance,  their  traditions,  and  their  faith.     Isolated  up  to  the 


106  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

time  of  the  war,  they  spoke  no  language  but  their  own  patois  ; 
and,  reading  and  writing  not  having  come  to  them  by  nature, 
they  were  dependent  for  news  on  their  cures  and  occasional 
peddlers,  who  tempted  the  women  with  chiffons  and  trinkets. 
The  few  slaves  owned  were  humble  members  of  the  household, 
assisting  in  the  cultivation  of  small  patches  of  maize,  sweet  po- 
tatoes, and  cotton,  from  which  last  the  women  manufactured 
the  wonderful  Attakapas  cotonnade,  the  ordinary  clothing  of 
both  sexes.  Their  little  cabanes  dotted  the  broad  prairie  in  all 
directions,  and  it  was  pleasant  to  see  the  smoke  curling  from 
their  chimneys,  while  herds  of  cattle  and  ponies  grazed  at  will. 
Here,  unchanged,  was  the  French  peasant  of  Fenelon  and 
Bossuet,  of  Louis  le  Grand  and  his  successor  le  Bien-Aime. 
Tender  and  true  were  his  traditions  of  la  belle  France,  but  of 
France  before  Voltaire  and  the  encyclopaedists,  the  Convention 
and  the  Jacobins — ere  she  had  lost  faith  in  all  things,  divine 
and  human,  save  the  bourgeoisie  and  amooats.  Mounted  on  his 
pony,  with  lariat  in  hand,  he  herded  his  cattle,  or  shot  and 
fished ;  but  so  gentle  was  his  nature,  that  lariat  and  rifle  seemed 
transformed  into  pipe  and  crook  of  shepherd.  Light  wines 
from  the  Medoc,  native  oranges,  and  home-made  sweet  cakes 
filled  his  largest  conceptions  of  feasts ;  and  violin  and  clarionet 
made  high  carnival  in  his  heart. 

On  an  occasion,  passing  the  little  hamlet  of  Grand  Coteau, 
I  stopped  to  get  some  food  for  man  and  horse.  A  pretty  maiden 
of  fifteen  springs,  whose  parents  were  absent,  welcomed  me. 
Her  lustrous  eyes  and  long  lashes  might  have  excited  the  envy 
of  "  the  dark-eyed  girl  of  Cadiz."  Finding  her  alone,  I  was 
about  to  retire  and  try  my  fortune  in  another  house ;  but  she 
insisted  that  she  could  prepare  "monsieur  un  diner  dans  un 
tour  de  main,"  and  she  did.  Seated  by  the  window,  looking 
modestly  on  the  road,  while  I  was  enjoying  her  repast,  she 
sprang  to  her  feet,  clapped  her  hands  joyously,  and  exclaimed : 
"  Via  le  gros  Jean  Baptiste  qui  passe  sur  son  mulet  avec  deux 
bocals.  Ah !  nous  aurons  grand  bal  ce  soir."  It  appeared  that 
one  jug  of  claret  meant  a  dance,  but  two  very  high  jinks  indeed. 
As  my  hostess  declined  any  remuneration  for  her  trouble,  I 


THE  DISTRICT  OF  LOUISIANA.  107 

begged  her  to  accept  a  pair  of  plain  gold  sleeve  buttons,  my 
only  ornaments.  Wonder,  delight,  and  gratitude  chased  each 
other  across  the  pleasant  face,  and  the  confiding  little  creature 
put  up  her  rose-bud  mouth.  In  an  instant  the  homely  room  be- 
came as  the  bower  of  Titania,  and  I  accepted  the  chaste  salute 
with  all  the  reverence  of  a  subject  for  his  Queen,  then  rode 
away  with  uncovered  head  so  long  as  she  remained  in  sight. 
Hospitable  little  maiden  of  Grand  Coteau,  may  you  never 
have  graver  fault  to  confess  than  the  innocent  caress  you  be- 
stowed on  the  stranger ! 

It  was  to  this  earthly  paradise,  and  upon  this  simple  race, 
that  the  war  came,  like  the  tree  of  the  knowledge  of  evil  to 
our  early  parents. 

Some  weeks  before  I  reached  my  new  field,  General  Yan 
Dorn,  who  commanded  the  Confederate  forces  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, had  successfully  resisted  a  bombardment  of  Yicksburg 
by  Federal  gunboats,  during  which  the  Confederate  ram  Ar- 
kansas, descending  the  Yazoo  River,  passed  through  the  enemy's 
fleet,  inflicting  some  damage  and  causing  much  alarm,  and  an- 
chored under  the  guns  of  Yicksburg.  To  follow  up  this  suc- 
cess, Yan  Dorn  sent  General  Breckenridge  with  a  division 
against  Baton  Rouge,  the  highest  point  on  the  river  above  New 
Orleans  then  held  by  the  Federals,  and  the  Arkansas  was  to  de- 
scend to  cooperate  in  the  attack.  Breckenridge  reached  Baton 
Rouge  at  the  appointed  time,  assaulted,  and  was  repulsed  after 
a  severe  action ;  but  the  Arkansas,  disabled  by  an  accident  to 
her  machinery,  was  delayed,  and,  learning  of  Breckenridge's 
failure,  her  commander  ran  her  ashore  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
river  a  few  miles  above  Baton  Rouge,  and  destroyed  her. 
Strengthening  their  garrison  in  this  town,  the  Federals  em- 
ployed many  steamers  on  t&e  river  between  it  and  New  Or- 
leans, a  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  armed  vessels  of  Farragut's 
fleet  guarding  the  stream.  From  time  to  time  parties  of  in- 
fantry were  landed  to  plunder  and  worry  the  peaceful  inhabi- 
tants, though  after  the  fall  of  New  Orleans  no  Confederate 
forces  had  been  on  that  part  of  the  river,  and  no  resistance  was 
made  by  the  people. 


108  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Two  days  were  passed  at  Opelousas  in  consultation  with 
Governor  Moore,  who  transferred  to  me  several  small  bodies  of 
State  troops  which  he  had  organized.  Alexandria  on  the  Red 
River,  some  seventy-five  miles  north  of  Opelousas,  was  the  geo- 
graphical center  of  the  State  and  of  steam  navigation,  and  the 
proper  place  for  the  headquarters  of  the  district.  To  escape 
the  intense  heat,  I  rode  the  distance  in  a  night,  and  remained 
some  days  at  Alexandria,  engaged  in  the  organization  of  neces- 
sary staff  departments  and  in  providing  means  of  communica- 
tion with  different  parts  of  the  State.  Great  distances  and  the 
want  of  railway  and  telegraph  lines  made  this  last  a  heavy  bur- 
den. "Without  trained  officers,  my  presence  was  required  at 
every  threatened  point,  and  I  was  seldom  enabled  to  pass  twen- 
ty-four consecutive  hours  at  headquarters ;  but  Adjutant  Sur- 
get,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made,  conducted  the  business 
of  the  district  with  vigor  and  discretion  during  my  absence. 
Subsequently,  by  using  an  ambulance  in  which  one  could  sleep, 
and  with  relays  of  mules,  long  distances  were  rapidly  accom- 
plished ;  and,  like  the  Irishman's  bird,  I  almost  succeeded  in 
being  in  two  places  at  the  same  time. 

Leaving  Alexandria,  I  went  south  to  visit  the  Lafourche 
and  intervening  regions.  At  Yermilionville,  in  the  parish  of 
Lafayette,  thirty  miles  south  of  Opelousas,  resided  ex-Governor 
Mouton,  a  man  of  much  influence  over  the  Creole  and  Acadian 
populations,  and  an  old  acquaintance.  Desiring  his  aid  to 
arouse  public  sentiment,  depressed  since  the  fall  of  New  Or- 
leans, I  stopped  to  see  him.  Past  middle  age,  he  had  sent  his 
sons  and  kindred  to  the  war,  and  was  eager  to  assist  the  cause 
in  all  possible  ways.  His  eldest  son  and  many  of  his  kinsmen 
fell  in  battle,  his  estate  was  diminished  by  voluntary  contribu- 
tions and  wasted  by  plunder,  and  he  was  taken  to  New  Orleans 
and  confined  for  many  weeks ;  yet  he  never  faltered  in  his  de- 
votion, and  preserved  his  dignity  and  fortitude. 

In  camp  near  New  Iberia,  seven  and  twenty  miles  south  of 
Yermilionville,  was  Colonel  Fournet,  with  a  battalion  of  five 
companies  raised  in  the  parish,  St.  Martin's.  The  men  were 
without  instruction,  and  inadequately  armed  and  equipped.    Im- 


THE  DISTEICT  OF  LOUISIANA.  109 

pressing  on  Fournet  and  his  officers  the  importance  of  discipline 
and  instruction,  and  promising  to  supply  them  with  arms,  I  pro- 
ceeded to  the  residence  of  Leclerc  Fusilier,  in  the  parish  of  St. 
Mary's,  twenty  miles  below  New  Iberia.  Possessor  of  great  es- 
tates, and  of  a  hospitable,  generous  nature,  this  gentleman  had 
much  weight  in  his  country.  His  sons  were  in  the  army,  and 
sixty  years  had  not  diminished  his  energy  nor  his  enthusiasm. 
He  desired  to  serve  on  my  staff  as  volunteer  aide,  promising  to 
join  me  whenever  fighting  was  to  be  done;  and  he  kept  his 
promise.  In  subsequent  actions  on  the  Teche  and  Red  River,  the 
first  gun  seemed  the  signal  for  the  appearance  of  Captain  Fu- 
silier, who,  on  his  white  pony,  could  be  seen  where  the  fight 
was  the  thickest,  leading  on  or  encouraging  his  neighbors.  His 
corn  bins,  his  flocks  and  herds,  were  given  to  the  public  service 
without  stint ;  and  no  hungry,  destitute  Confederate  was  per- 
mitted to  pass  his  door.  Fusilier  was  twice  captured,  and  on 
the  first  occasion  was  sent  to  Fortress  Monroe,  where  he,  with 
fifty  other  prisoners  from  my  command,  was  embarked  on  the 
transport  Maple  Leaf  for  Fort  Delaware.  Reaching  the  capes 
of  Chesapeake  at  nightfall,  the  prisoners  suddenly  attacked  and 
overpowered  the  guard,  ran  the  transport  near  to  the  beach  in 
Princess  Anne  County,  Virginia,  landed,  and  made  their  way 
to  Richmond,  whence  they  rejoined  me  in  Louisiana.  Again 
taken,  Fusilier  escaped,  while  descending  the  Teche  on  a  steam- 
er, by  springing  from  the  deck  to  seize  the  overhanging  branch 
of  a  live  oak.  The  guard  fired  on  him,  but  darkness  and  the 
rapid  movement  of  the  steamer  were  in  his  favor,  and  he  got 
off  unhurt. 

I  have  dwelt  somewhat  on  the  characters  of  Mouton  and  Fu- 
silier, not  only  because  of  their  great  devotion  to  the  Confed- 
eracy, but  because  there  exists  a  wide-spread  belief  that  the 
Creole  race  has  become  effete  and  nerveless.  In  the  annals  of 
time  no  breed  has  produced  nobler  specimens  of  manhood  than 
these  two ;  and  while  descendants  of  the  French  colonists  re- 
main on  the  soil  of  Louisiana,  their  names  and  characters  should 
be  reverenced  as  are  those  of  Hampden  and  Sidney  in  England. 

To  Berwick's  Bay,  a  hundred  and  seventy-five  miles  from 


HO  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Alexandria.  Here,  on  the  eastern  shore,  was  the  terminus  of 
the  New  Orleans  and  Opelousas  railroad.  A  deep,  navigable 
arm  of  the  bay,  called  Bayou  Boeuf ,  flows  east  of  the  station, 
which  is  on  the  island  fronting  the  bay  proper.  Some  engines 
and  plant  had  been  saved  from  the  general  wreck  at  New  Or- 
leans, and  the  line  was  operated  from  the  bay  to  Lafourche 
crossing,  thirty  miles.  The  intervening  territory  constitutes 
the  parish  of  Terrebonne,  with  fertile,  cultivated  lands  along 
the  many  bayous,  and  low  swamps  between.  From  Lafourche 
crossing  to  Algiers,  opposite  New  Orleans,  is  fifty  miles  ;  and, 
after  leaving  the  higher  ground  adjacent  to  the  Lafourche,  the 
line  plunges  into  swamps  and  marshes,  impassable  except  on  the 
embankment  of  the  line  itself.  Midway  of  the  above  points, 
the  Bayou  des  AHemands,  outlet  of  the  large  lake  of  the  same 
name,  is  crossed ;  and  here  was  a  Federal  post  of  some  two  hun- 
dred men  with  two  field  guns.  On  the  west  bank  of  the  La- 
fourche, a  mile  or  two  above  the  railway  crossing,  and  thirty- 
two  miles  below  Donaldsonville,  where  the  bayou  leaves  the 
Mississippi,  lies  the  town  of  Thibodeaux,  the  most  considerable 
place  of  this  region.  Navigable  for  steamers,  whenever  the 
waters  of  its  parent  river  are  high,  restrained  from  inundation 
by  levees  on  both  banks,  the  Lafourche  flows  through  the  fertile 
and  populous  parishes  of  Assumption  and  Lafourche,  and,  after 
a  sinuous  course  of  some  ninety  miles,  reaches  the  Gulf  to  the 
west  of  Barataria  Bay.  Above  Thibodeaux  there  were  no 
bridges,  and  communication  between  the  opposite  banks  was 
kept  up  by  ferries. 

One  or  two  companies  of  mounted  men,  armed  with  fowling 
pieces,  had  been  organized  under  authority  from  Governor  Moore, 
and  Colonel  Waller's  battalion  of  mounted  riflemen  had  recently 
arrived  from  Texas.  These  constituted  the  Confederate  army 
in  this  quarter. 


CHAPTEE   VIII. 

©PEKATTONS   IN  LOUISIANA  AND  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

Mention  lias  been  made  of  the  plundering  expeditions  of 
the  Federals,  and  the  post  at  Bayou  des  Allemands  was  reported 
as  the  especial  center  from  which  raids  on  the  helpless  inhabit- 
ants were  undertaken.  I  determined  to  attempt  the  surprise 
and  capture  of  this  post,  which  could  be  reached  from  the  river 
at  a  point  fifty  miles  below  Donaldsonville.  My  estate  was  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  this  point,  and  the  roads  and  paths 
through  plantations  and  swamps  were  well  known  to  me.  Col- 
onel Waller  was  assigned  to  the  duty,  with  minute  instructions 
concerning  roads  and  movements,  and  competent  guides  were 
furnished  him.  Moving  rapidly  by  night,  and,  to  escape  obser- 
vation, avoiding  the  road  near  the  river,  Waller  with  his  Tex- 
ans  gained  the  enemy's  rear,  advanced  on  his  camp,  and,  after  a 
slight  resistance,  captured  two  companies  of  infantry  and  the 
guns.  The  captured  arms  and  accouterments  served  to  equip 
Waller's  men,  whose  rifles  were  altered  flintlocks  and  worthless, 
and  the  prisoners  were  sent  to  the  Teche  to  be  guarded  by 
Fournet's  Acadiens.  This  trifling  success,  the  first  in  the  State 
since  the  loss  of  IsTew  Orleans,  attracted  attention,  and  the  peo- 
ple rejoiced  at  the  capture  of  the  Des  Allemands  garrison  as 
might  those  of  Greece  at  the  unearthing  of  the  accomplished 
and  classic  thief  Cacus.  Indeed,  the  den  of  that  worthy  never 
contained  such  multifarious  "  loot "  as  did  this  Federal  camp. 
Books,  pictures,  household  furniture,  finger  rings,  ear  rings, 
breastpins  and  other  articles  of  feminine  adornment  and  wear, 
attested  the  catholic  taste  and  temper  of  these  patriots. 

Persuaded  that  the  Federal  commander  at  New  Orleans, 


112  »    DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  was  ignorant  of  the  practices  of 
his  outlying  detachments,  I  requested  ex-Governor  Wiekliffe  of 
Louisiana,  a  non-combatant,  to  visit  that  officer  under  a  flag  of 
truce  and  call  his  attention  to  the  subject.  Duty  to  the  suffer- 
ing population  would  force  me  to  deal  with  perpetrators  of  such 
misdeeds  as  robbers  rather  than  as  soldiers.  General  Butler  re- 
ceived Governor  Wiekliffe  politely,  invited  him  to  dine,  and 
listened  attentively  tp  his  statements,  then  dismissed  him  without 
committing  himself  to  a  definite  reply.  However,  the  conduct 
complained  of  was  speedily  stopped,  and,  as  I  was  informed,  by 
orders  from  General  Butler.  This  was  the  only  intercourse  I 
had  with  this  officer  during  the  war.  Some  months  later  he  was 
relieved  from  command  at  New  Orleans  by  General  Banks, 
whose  blunders  served  to  endear  him  to  President  Lincoln,  as 
did  those  of  Yilleroy  to  his  master,  the  fourteenth  Louis.  "When 
the  good  Scotch  parson  finished  praying  for  all  created  beings 
and  things,  he  requested  his  congregation  to  unite  in  asking  a 
blessing  for  the  "  puir  deil,"  who  had  no  friends ;  and  General 
Butler  has  been  so  universally  abused  as  to  make  it  pleasant  to 
say  a  word  in  his  favor.  Not  that  he  needs  assistance  to  defend 
himself ;  for  in  the  war  of  epithets  he  has  proved  his  ability  to 
hold  his  ground  against  all  comers  as  successfully  as  did  Count 
Robert  of  Paris  with  sword  and  lance. 

Preservation  of  the  abundant  supplies  of  the  Lafourche 
country,  and  protectidn  of  the  dense  population  from  which  re- 
cruits could  be  drawn,  were  objects  of  such  importance  as  to 
justify  the  attempt  to  secure  them  with  inadequate  means. 

A  few  days  after  the  Des  Allemands  affair,  I  was  called  to 
the  north,  and  will  for  convenience  anticipate  events  in  this 
quarter  during  my  absence.  Minute  instructions  for  his  guid 
ance  were  given  to  Colonel  Waller.  The  danger  to  be  guarded 
against  while  operating  on  the  river  was  pointed  out,  viz. :  that 
the  enemy  might,  from  transports,  throw  forces  ashore  above  and 
below  him,  at  points  where  the  swamps  in  the  rear  were  im- 
passable ;  and  this  trap  Waller  fell  into.  Most  of  his  men  es- 
caped by  abandoning  arms,  horses,  etc.  Immunity  from  attack 
for  some  days  had  made  them  careless.     Nothing  compensates 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,   ETC.  113 

for  absence  of  discipline ;  and  the  constant  watchfulness,  even 
when  danger  seems  remote,  that  is  necessary  in  war,  can  only  be 
secured  by  discipline  which  makes  »f  duty  a  habit. 

Meanwhile,  two  skeleton  regiments,  the  18th  Louisiana  and 
Crescent,  and  a  small  battalion  (Clack's)  of  infantry,  with 
Semmes's  and  Ralston's  batteries,  reached  me  from  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  were  directed  to  the  Lafourche.  There  also  re- 
ported to  me  Brigadier  Alfred  Mouton,  son  of  Governor  Mouton, 
and  a  "West  Pointer.  This  officer  had  been  wounded  at  Shiloh, 
and  was  now  ordered  to  command  on  the  Lafourche.  His  in- 
structions were  to  make  Thibodeaux  his  centre  of  concentration, 
to  picket  Bayou  Des  Allemands  and  Donaldsonville,  thirty 
miles  distant  each,  to  secure  early  information  of  the  enemy's 
movements,  and  to  provide  a  movable  floating  bridge  by  which 
troops  could  cross  the  bayou,  as  the  water  was  too  low  to  admit 
steamers  from  the  river.  These  same  instructions  had  been 
given  to  the  senior  officer  present  before  Mouton's  arrival,  but 
had  been  imperfectly  executed.  A  feint  on  Des  Allemands  had 
induced  the  movement  of  nearly  half  the  little  force  in  that 
direction,  and  Mouton  had  scant  time  after  he  reached  Thibo- 
deaux to  correct  errors  before  the  enemy  was  upon  him. 

In  the  last  days  of  October  the  Federal  General,  "Weitzel,, 
brought  up  a  force  of  some  4,000  from  New  Orleans,  landed  at 
Donaldsonville,  and  advanced  down  the  Lafourche,  on  the  west 
bank.  There  were  Confederates  on  both  sides  of  the  bayou,  but, 
having  neglected  their  floating  bridge,  they  could  not  unite., 
With  his  own,  the  18th,  the  Crescent,  Colonel  McPheeters,  and 
the  four-gun  battery  of  Captain  Ralston — in  all  500  men — Colo- 
nel Armand  resisted  "Weitzel's  advance  at  Labadieville,  eight 
miles  above  Thibodeaux.  The  fighting  was  severe,  and  Armand 
only  retired  after  his  ammunition  was  exhausted ;  but  he  lost 
many  killed  and  wounded,  and  some  few  prisoners.  Colonel 
McPheeters  was  among  the  former,  and  Captains  Ralston  and 
Story  among  the  latter.  The  loss  of  the  Federals  prevented 
"Weitzel'from  attempting  a  pursuit ;  and  Mouton,  who  deemed  it 
necessary  to  retire  across  Berwick's  Bay,  was  not  interrupted  in 
his  movement.  "With  his  forces  well  in  hand,  Mouton.  would 
8 


114  i   DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

have  defeated  Weitzel  and  retained  possession  of  the  Lafourche 
country.  The  causes  of  his  failure  to  concentrate  have  been 
pointed  out.  Information  <3f  these  untoward  events  reached  me 
on  the  road  from  the  north,  and  I  arrived  at  Berwick's  Bay  as 
Mouton  was  crossing. 

To  return  to  the  time  of  departure  from  the  Lafourche. 
Several  days  were  passed  at  New  Iberia  in  attention  to  a  matter 
of  much  interest.  Some  eight  miles  to  the  southwest  of  the 
village  there  rises  from  the  low  prairie  and  salt  marsh,  at  the 
head  of  Yermilion  Bay,  an  island  of  high  land,  near  a  thousand 
acres  in  extent.  Connected  with  the  mainland  by  a  causeway 
of  some  length,  the  island  was  the  property  and  residence  of 
Judge  Avery.  A  small  bayou,  Petit  Anse,  navigable  for 
light  craft,  approached  the  western  side  and  wound  through 
the  marsh  to  Yermilion  Bay.  Salt  wells  had  long  been  known 
to  exist  on  the  island,  and  some  salt  had  been  boiled  there.  The 
want  of  salt  was  severely  felt  in  the  Confederacy,  our  only  con- 
siderable source  of  supply  being  in  southwestern  Yirginia, 
whence  there  were  limited  facilities  for  distribution.  Judge 
Avery  began  to  boil  salt  for  neighbors,  and,  desiring  to  increase 
the  flow  of  brine  by  deepening  his  wells,  came  unexpectedly  upon 
a  bed  of  pure  rock  salt,  which  proved  to  be  of  immense  extent. 
Intelligence  of  this  reached  me  at  New  Iberia,  and  induced  me 
to  visit  the  island.  The  salt  was  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet 
below  the  surface,  and  the  overlying  soil  was  soft  and  friable. 
Devoted  to  our  cause,  Judge  Avery  placed  his  mine  at  my  dis- 
position for  the  use  of  the  Government.  Many  negroes  were 
assembled  to  get  out  salt,  and  a  packing  establishment  was  or- 
ganized at  New  Iberia  to  cure  beef.  During  succeeding  months 
large  quantities  of  salt,  salt  beef,  sugar,  and  molasses  were  trans- 
ported by  steamers  to  Yicksburg,  Port  Hudson,  and  other  points 
east  of  the  Mississippi.  Two  companies  of  infantry  and  a  sec- 
tion of  artillery  were  posted  on  the  island  to  preserve  order 
among  the  workmen,  and  secure  it  against  a  sudden  raid  of  the 
enemy,  who  later  sent  a  gunboat  up  the  Petit  Anse  to  shell  the 
mine,  but  the  gunboat  became  entangled  in  the  marsh  and  was 
impotent. 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,  ETC.        .  115 

At  Alexandria,  where  every  effort  was  made  to  collect  ma- 
terial, but  without  funds  and  among  a  depressed  people,  prog- 
ress was  slow.  It  was  necessary  to  visit  Monroe,  the  chief  place 
of  the  important  Washita  country  *  and  I  was  further  impelled 
thereto  by  dispatches  from  Richmond  advising  me  that  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Pemberton  had  been  assigned  to  command  of 
the  country  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  it  was  important 
for  me  to  meet  him,  in  order  to  secure  cooperation  on  the  river. 
I  rode  the  distance,  via  Monroe,  to  a  point  opposite  Yicksburg, 
over  two  hundred  miles,  excepting  forty  miles  east  of  Monroe, 
where  the  railway  was  in  operation.  The  eastern  half  of  the 
line,  from  Bayou  Macon  to  the  Mississippi,  had  been  broken  up 
by  the  great  flood  of  the  .previous  spring. 

Near  Bayou  Macon  was  encamped  Colonel  Henry  Grey 
with  his  recently  organized  regiment,  the  28th  infantry.  "With- 
out much  instruction  and  badly  equipped,  its  material  was  ex- 
cellent, and  there  were  several  officers  of  some  experience, 
notably  Adjutant  Blackman,  who  had  accompanied  my  old  regi- 
ment, the  9th,  to  Yirginia,  where  he  had  seen  service.  The 
men  were  suffering  from  camp  diseases  incident  to  new  troops, 
and  Colonel  Grey  was  directed  to  move,  by  easy  marches  to  the 
Teche.  In  the  low  country  between  the  Magon  and  the  Missis- 
sippi were  some  mounted  men  under  Captain  Harrison.  Resi- 
dents of  this  region,  they  understood  the  intricate  system  of 
swamps  and  bayous  by  which  it  is  characterized,  and  furnished 
me  guides  to  Yicksburg. 

Yicksburg  lies  on  the  hills  where  the  river  forms  a  deep  re- 
entering angle.  The  peninsula  on  the  opposite  or  western  bank 
is  several  miles  in  length,  narrow,  and,  when  the  waters  are  up, 
impassable  except  along  the  river's  bank.  It  was  through  this 
peninsula  that  the  Federals  attempted,  by  digging  a  canal,  to 
pass  their  gunboats  and  turn  the  Yicksburg  batteries.  The  po- 
sition of  the  town  with  reference  to  approach  from  the  west  was 
marked  by  me  at  the  time,  and  should  be  borne  in  mind. 

General  Pemberton,  who  was  at  Jackson,  came  to  Yicksburg 
to  meet  me,  and  we  discussed  methods  of  cooperation.  It  was 
of  vital  importance  to  control  the  section  of  the  Mississippi  re- 


116  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ceiving  the  Red  and  Washita  Rivers.  By  so  doing  connection 
would  be  preserved  between  the  two  parts  of  the  Confederacy, 
and  troops  and  supplies  crossed  at  will.  Port  Hudson,  some 
forty  miles  below  the  entrance  of  Red  River,  was  as  favorably 
situated  as  Vicksburg  above :  for  there  again  the  hills  touched 
the  river  and  commanded  it.  My  operations  on  the  Lafourche 
had  induced  the  enemy  to  withdraw  from  Baton  Rouge,  fifteen 
miles  below,  and  one  or  two  heavy  guns  were  already  mounted 
at  Port  Hudson.  Pemberton  engaged  to  strengthen  the  position 
at  once.  As  there  were  many  steamers  in  the  Red  and  Washita, 
I  undertook  to  supply  Yicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  with  corn, 
forage,  sugar,  molasses,  cattle,  and  salt ;  and  this  was  done  be- 
yond the  ability  of  the  garrisons  to  store  or  remove  them. 
Quantities  of  these  supplies  were  lying  on  the  river's  bank  when 
the  surrenders  of  the  two  places  occurred. 

A  Pennsylvanian  by  birth,  Pemberton  graduated  from  West 
Point  in  1837,  and  was  assigned  to  an  artillery  regiment.  His 
first  station  was  in  South  Carolina,  and  he  there  formed  his 
early  friendships.  The  storm  of  "nullification"  had  not  yet 
subsided,  and  Pemberton  imbibed  the  tenets  of  the  Calhoun 
school.  In  1843  or  1844  I  met  him  for  the  first  time  on  the 
Niagara  frontier,  and  quite  remember  my  surprise  at  his  State- 
rights  utterances,  unusual  among  military  men  at  that  period. 
During  the  war  with  Mexico  he  was  twice  bre vetted  for  gallan- 
try in  action.  Later,  he  married  a  lady  of  Virginia,  which 
may  have  tended  to  confirm  his  political  opinions.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  civil  strife  he  was  in  Minnesota,  commanding  a  bat- 
talion of  artillery,  and  was  ordered  to  Washington.  Arrived 
there  with  his  command,  he  resigned  his  commission  in  the 
United  States  army,  went  to  Richmond,  and  offered  his  sword 
to  the  Confederacy  without  asking  for  rank.  Certainly  he  must 
have  been  actuated  by  principle  alone ;  for  he  had  everything 
to  gain  by  remaining  on  the  Northern  side. 

In  the  summer  of  1862  General  Yan  Dorn,  commanding 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  proclaimed  martial  law,  which  he  ex- 
plained to  the  people  to  be  the  will  of  the  commander.  Though 
a  Mississippian  by  birth,  such  a  storm  was  excited  against  Yan 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,   ETC.  117 

Dorn  in  that  State  that  President  Davis  found  it  necessary  to 
supersede  him,  and  Pemberton  was  created  a  lieutenant-general 
for  the  purpose.  Davis  could  have  known  nothing  of  Pember- 
ton except  that  his  military  record  was  good,  and  it  is  difficult 
to  foresee  that  a  distinguished  subordinate  will  prove  incompe- 
tent in  command.  Errors  can  only  be  avoided  by  confining  the 
selection  of  generals  to  tradespeople,  politicians,  and  newspaper 
men  without  military  training  or  experience.  These  are  all 
great  commanders  d'etat,  and  universally  succeed.  The  inca- 
pacity of  Pemberton  for  independent  command,  manifested  in 
the  ensuing  campaign,  was  a  great  misfortune  to  the  Confed- 
eracy, but  did  not  justify  aspersions  on  his  character  and  mo- 
tives. The  public  howled,  gnashed  its  teeth,  and  lashed  itself 
into  a  beautiful  rage.  He  had  joined  the  South  for  the  express 
purpose  of  betraying  it,  and  this  was  clearly  proven  by  the  fact 
that  he  surrendered  on  the  4th  of  July,  a  day  sacred  to  the  Yan- 
kees. Had  he  chosen  any  other  day,  his  guilt  would  not  have 
been  so  well  established ;  but  this  particular  day  lacerated  the 
tenderest  sensibilities  of  Southern  hearts.  President  Davis 
should  have  known  all  about  it;  and  yet  he  made  a  pet  of 
Pemberton.     "  Yox  populi,  vox  diaboli." 

Returned  to  Alexandria,  I  met  my  chief  of  artillery  and 
ordnance,  Major  J.  L.  Brent,  just  arrived  from  the  east  with 
some  arms  and  munitions,  winch  he  had  remained  to  bring  with 
him.  This  officer  had  served  on  the  staff  of  General  Magruder 
in  the  Peninsular  and  Richmond  campaigns,  after  which,  learn- 
ing that  I  was  ordered  to  Louisiana,  where  he  had  family  con- 
nections, he  applied  to  serve  with  me.  Before  leaving  Richmond 
I  had  several  interviews  with  him,  and  was  favorably  impressed. 

A  lawyer  by  profession,  Major  Brent  knew  nothing  of  mili- 
tary affairs  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  but  speedily  acquainted 
himself  with  the  technicalities  of  his  new  duties.  Devoted  to 
work,  his  energy  and  administrative  ability  were  felt  in  every 
direction.  Batteries  were  equipped,  disciplined,  and  drilled. 
Leather  was  tanned,  harness  made,  wagons  built,  and  a  little 
workshop,  established  at  New  Iberia  by  Governor  Moore,  became 
important  as  an  arsenal  of  construction.     The  lack  of  paper  for 


118  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

cartridges  was  embarrassing,  and  most  of  the  country  newspa- 
pers were  stopped  for  want  of  material.  Brent  discovered  a 
quantity  of  wall  paper  in  the  shops  at  Franldin,  New  Iberia,  etc., 
and  used  it  for  cartridges ;  and  a  journal  published  at  Franklin 
was  printed  on  this  paper.  A  copy  of  it  would  be  "  a  sight "  to 
Mr.  Walter  and  the  staff  of  the  "  Thunderer."  The  esprit  de 
corps  of  Brent's  artillery  was  admirable,  and  its  conduct  and 
efficiency  in  action  unsurpassed.  Serving  with  wild  horsemen, 
unsteady  and  unreliable  for  want  of  discipline,  officers  and  men 
learned  to  fight  their  guns  without  supports.  True,  Brent  had 
under  his  command  many  brilliant  young  officers,  whose  names 
will  appear  in  this  narrative ;  but  his  impress  was  upon  all,  and 
he  owes  it  to  his  command  to  publish  an  account  of  the  services 
of  the  artillery  in  western  Louisiana. 

En  route  to  Lafourche,  I  learned  of  the  action  at  Labadieville, 
and  hurried  on  to  Berwick's  Bay,  which  Mouton  had  just  crossed, 
and  in  good  time ;  for  Federal  gunboats  entered  from  the  Gulf 
immediately  after.  Their  presence  some  hours  earlier  would 
have  been  uncomfortable  for  Mouton.  It  is  curious  to  recall  the 
ideas  prevailing  in  the  first  years  of  the  war  about  gunboats. 
To  the  wide-spread  terror  inspired  by  them  may  be  ascribed  the 
loss  of  Fort  Donelson  and  New  Orleans.  Omne  ignotum  pro 
magnifico ;  and  it  was  popularly  believed  that  the  destructive 
powers  of  these  monsters  were  not  to  be  resisted.  Time  proved 
that  the  lighter  class  of  boats,  called  "  tin-clads,"  were  helpless 
against  field  guns,  while  heavy  iron-clads  could  be  driven  off  by 
riflemen  protected  by  the  timber  and  levees  along  streams.  To 
fire  ten-inch  guns  at  skirmishers,  widely  disposed  and  under 
cover,  was  very  like  snipe-shooting  with  twelve-pounders ;  and 
in  narrow  waters  gunboats  required  troops  on  shore  for  their 
protection. 

Penetrated  in  all  directions  by  watercourses  navigable  when* 
the  Mississippi  was  at  flood,  my  "  district "  was  especially  ex- 
posed, and  every  little  bayou  capable  of  floating  a  cock-boat 
called  loudly  for  forts  and  heavy  guns.  .  Ten  guns,  thirty-two- 
and  twenty-four-pounders,  of  those  thrown  into  the  water  at 
Barataria  and  Berwick's  Bays  after  the  surrender  of  New  Or- 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,  ETC.  119 

leans,  had  been  recovered,  and  were  mounted  for  defense.  To 
protect  Red  River  against  anything  that  might  chance  to  run  the 
batteries  of  Vieksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  two  thirty-twos  were 
placed  in  position  on  the  south  bank,  thirty  odd  miles  below 
Alexandria,  where  the  high  ground  of  Avoyelles  Prairie  touches 
the  river ;  and  for  the  same  purpose  two  guns  were  mounted  at 
Harrisonburg  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Washita.  An  abrupt  hill 
approached  the  river  at  this  point,  and  commanded  it. 

The  presence  of  gunboats  in  Berwick's  Bay  made  it  neces- 
sary to  protect  the  Atchaf alaya  also ;  for  access  to  the  Red  and 
"Washita  could  be  had  by  it.  As  yet,  the  waters  were  too  low 
to  navigate  Grand  Lake ;  but  it  was  now  [November,  and  the 
winter  flood  must  be  expected.  Some  twelve  miles  from  St. 
Martinsville  on  the  Teche  was  a  large  mound  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Atchafalaya,  called  "  Butte  a  la  Rose."  A  short  distance 
above  the  point,  where  the  river  expands  into  Grand  Lake,  this 
"  Butte  "  was  the  only  place  for  many  miles  not  submerged  when 
the  waters  were  up.  The  country  between  it  and  the  Teche  was 
almost  impassable  even  in  the  dry  season — a  region  of  lakes, 
bayous,  jungle,  and  bog.  I  succeeded  in  making  my  way  through 
to  inspect  the  position,  the  only  favorable  one  on  the  river,  and 
with  much  labor  two  twenty-fours  were  taken  there  and  mount- 
ed. Forts  Beauregard  on  the  Washita,  De  Russy  on  the  Red, 
and  Burton  on  the  Atchafalaya,  were  mere  water  batteries  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  gunboats,  and  served  that  purpose.  It 
was  not  supposed  that  they  could  be  held  against  serious  land 
attacks,  and  but  fifty  to  a  hundred  riflemen  were  posted  at  each 
to  project  the  gunners  from  boats'  crews. 

During  the  floods  of  the  previous  spring  many  steamers  had 
been  brought  away  from  New  Orleans,  and  with  others  a  pow- 
erful tow-boat,  the  Webb,  now  lying  at  Alexandria,  and  the 
Cotton.  This  last,  a  large  river  steamer,  was  in  the  lower  Teche 
in  charge  of  Captain  Puller,  a  western  steamboat  man,  and  one 
of  the  bravest  of  a  bold,  daring  class.  He  desired  to  convert 
the  Cotton  into  a  gunboat,  and  was  assisted  to  the  extent  of  his 
means  by  Major  Brent,  who  furnished  two  twenty-fours  and  a 
field  piece  for  armament.     An  attempt  was  made  to  protect  the 


120  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

boilers  and  machinery  with  cotton  bales  and  railway  iron,  of 
which  we  had  a  small  quantity,  and  a  volunteer  crew  was  put 
on  board,  Fuller  in  command. 

Midway  between  Berwick's  Bay  and  Franklin,  or  some  thir- 
teen miles  from  each,  near  the  Bisland  estate,  the  high  ground 
from  Grand  Lake  on  the  east  to  Vermilion  Bay  on  the  west  is  re- 
duced to  a  narrow  strip  of  some  two  thousand  yards,  divided 
by  the  Teche.  Here  was  the  best  position  in  this  quarter  for  a 
small  force ;  and  Mouton,  who  had  now  ten  guns  and  about 
thirteen  hundred  men,  was  directed  to  hold  it,  with  scouts  and 
pickets  toward  Berwick's.  A  floating  bridge,  of  the  kind  de- 
scribed, was  just  above  the  position,  and  two  others  farther  up 
stream  afforded  ready  communication  across  the  bayou.  A  light 
earthwork  was  thrown  up  from  Grand  Lake  Marsh  to  the  Teche, 
and  continued  west  to  the  embankment  of  the  uncompleted 
Opelousas  Railway,  which  skirted  the  edge  of  Yermilion  Marsh. 
The  objection  to  this  position  was  the  facility  of  turning  it  by 
a  force  embarking  at  Berwick's,  entering  Grand  Lake  immedi- 
ately above,  and  landing  at  Hutchin's,  not  far  from  Franklin, 
through  which  last  passed  the  only  line  of  retreat  from  Bisland. 
This  danger  was  obvious,  but  the  people  were  so  depressed  by 
our  retreat  from  Lafourche  that  it  was  necessary  to  fight  even 
with  this  risk. 

Weitzel  had  followed  slowly  after  Mouton-,  and  now,  in  con- 
nection with  gunboats,  made  little  attacks  on  our  pickets  below 
Bisland ;  but  I  knew  his  force  to  be  too  small  to  attempt  any- 
thing serious.  In  these  affairs  Fuller  was  always  forward  with 
the  Cotton,  though  her  boilers  were  inadequately  protected,  and 
she  was  too  large  and  unwieldy  to  be  handled  in  the  narrow 
Teche.  Meanwhile,  I  was  much  occupied  in  placing  guns  on 
the  rivers  at  the  points  mentioned,  getting  out  recruits  for  the 
two  skeleton  infantry  regiments,  consolidating  independent 
companies,  and  other  work  of  administration. 

In  the  first  days  of  January,  1863,  Weitzel's  force  was  in- 
creased to  forty-five  hundred  men  (see  "  Report  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  307) ;  and  on  the  11th  of  the  month,  ac- 
companied by  gunboats,  he  advanced  up  the  Teche  and  drove  in 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,  ETC.  121 

Mouton's  pickets.  Left  unprotected  by  the  retreat  of  the  pick- 
t  ets,  the  Cotton  was  assailed  on  all  sides.  Fuller  fought  man- 
fully, responding  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy's  boats  with  his 
twenty-fours,  and  repulsing  the  riflemen  on  either  bank  with 
his  field  piece.  His  pilots  were  killed  and  he  had  an  arm 
broken,  but  he  worked  the  wheel  with  his  feet,  backing  up  the 
bayou,  as  from  her  great  length  the  boat  could  not  be  turned  in 
the  narrow  channel.  ]STight  stopped  the  enemy's  advance,  and 
Mouton,  deeming  his  force  too  weak  to  cope  with  "Weitzel, 
turned  the  Cotton  across  the  bayou,  and  scuttled  and  burned 
her  to  arrest  the  further  progress  of  the  Federal  boats.  Weit- 
zel returned  to  Berwick's,  having  accomplished  his  object,  the 
destruction  of  the  Cotton,  supposed  by  the  Federals  to  be  a 
formidable  iron-clad. 

Much  disturbed  by  the  intelligence  of  these  events,  as  they 
tended  still  further  to  depress  public  sentiment  and  increase  the 
dread  of  gunboats,  I  went  to  Bisland  and  tried  to  convince 
officers  and  men  that  these  tin-clads  could  not  resist  the  rapid 
fire  of  field  guns,  when  within  range.  At  distances  the  thirty- 
pound  Parrotts  of  the  boats  had  every  advantage,  but  this  would 
be  lost  by  bringing  them  to  close  quarters.  During  my  stay 
several  movements  from  Berwick's  were  reported,  and  Mouton 
and  I  went  down  with  a  battery  to  meet  them,  hoping  to  illus- 
trate my  theory  of  the  proper  method  of  fighting  gunboats; 
but  the  enemy,  who  intended  nothing  beyond  annoyance,  always 
retired  before  we  could  reach  him.  Yet  this  gave  confidence  to 
our  men. 

The  two  twenty-fours  removed  from  the  wreck  of  the  Cot- 
ton were  mounted  in  a  work  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Teche, 
to  command  the  bayou  and  road,  and  the  line  of  breastworks 
was  strengthened.  Some  recruits  joined,  and  Mouton  felt  able 
to  hold  the  lines  at  Bisland  against  the  force  in  his  front. 

In  the  last  days  of  January,  1863,  General  Grant,  with  a 
large  army,  landed  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  and  be- 
gan operations  against  Yicksburg,  a  fleet  of  gunboats  under 
Admiral  Porter  cooperating  with  him.  The  river  was  now  in 
flood,  and  the  Federals  sought,  by  digging  a  canal  through  the 


122  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

narrow  peninsula  opposite  Yicksburg,  to  pass  their  fleet  below 
the  place  without  exposing  it  to  fire  from  the  batteries.  Many- 
weeks  were  devoted  to  this  work,  which  in  the  end  was  aban- 
doned. In  February  the  Federal  gunboat  Queen  of  the  "West, 
armed  with  a  thirty-pound  Parrott  and  five  field  guns,  ran  the 
batteries  at  Yicksburg  and  caused  much  alarm  on  the  river  be- 
low. The  tow-boat  Webb,  before  mentioned,  had  powerful 
machinery  and  was  very  fast,  and  I  determined  to  use  her  as  a 
ram  and  attempt  the  destruction  of  the  Queen.  A  thirty-two- 
pounder,  rifled  and  banded,  was  mounted  forward,  some  cotton 
bales  stuffed  around  her  boilers,  and  a  volunteer  crew  organ- 
ized. Pending  these  preparations  I  took  steamer  at  Alexandria 
and  went  down  to  Port  De  Pussy,  and  thence  to  Butte  a  la 
Rose,  which  at  this  season  could  only  be  reached  by  river.  The 
little  garrison  of  sixty  men,  with  their  two  twenty-fours,  had 
just  before  driven  off  some  gunboats,  attempting  to  ascend  the 
Atchafalaya  from  Berwick's  Bay.  Complimenting  them  on 
their  success  and  warning  them  of  the  presence  of  the  Queen 
in  our  waters,  I  turned  back,  hoping  to  reach  De  Pussy ;  but  at 
Simmsport,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Atchafalaya,  a  mile  or  two 
below  the  point  at  which  it  leaves  the  Ped,  I  learned  that  the 
Federal  boat  had  passed  up  the  latter  river,  followed  by  one  of 
our  small  steamers  captured  on  the  Mississippi.  Accompanied 
by  Major  Levy,  an  officer  of  capacity  and  experience,  I  took 
horse  and  rode  across  country  to  De  Pussy,  thirty  miles. 

It  was  the  14th  of  February,  a  cold,  rainy  day ;  and  as  we 
emerged  from  the  swamps  of  Deglaize  on  to  the  prairie  of 
Avoyelles,  the  rain  changed  to  sleet  and  hail,  with  a  fierce  north 
wind.  Occasional  gusts  were  so  sharp  that  our  cattle  refused  to 
face  them  and  compelled  us  to  halt.  Suddenly,  reports  of 
heavy  guns  came  from  the  direction  of  De  Pussy,  five  miles 
away.  Spurring  our  unwilling  horses  through  the  storm,  we 
reached  the  river  as  night  fell,  and  saw  the  Queen  of  the  "West 
lying  against  the  opposite  shore,  enveloped  in  steam.  A  boat 
was  manned  and  sent  over  to  take  possession.  A  wounded  offi- 
cer, with  a  surgeon  in  charge,  and  four  men,  were  found  on 
board.     The  remainder  of  the  crew  had  passed  through  the 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,  ETC.  123 

forest  to  the  captured  steamer  below,  embarked,  and  made  off 
down  river.  A  shot  from  De  Russy  had  cut  a  steam  pipe  and 
the  tiller  rope,  but  in  other  respects  the  Queen  was  not  materi- 
ally injured.  She  was  an  ordinary  river  steamer,  with  her  bow 
strengthened  for  ramming.  A  heavy  bulwark  for  protection 
against  sharp-shooters,  and  with  embrasures  for  field  guns,  sur- 
rounded her  upper  deck. 

Pushing  on  to  Alexandria,  I  found  the  wildest  alarm  and 
confusion.  The  arrival  of  the  Federal  gunboat  was  momen- 
tarily expected,  and  the  intelligence  of  her  capture  was  hardly 
credited.  The  "Webb  was  dispatched  to  overtake  the  escaped 
crew  of  the  Queen,  and  the  latter  towed  up  to  Alexandria  for 
repairs.  Entering  the  Mississippi,  the  Webb  went  up  river, 
sighted  the  escaped  steamer,  and  was  rapidly  overhauling  her, 
when  there  appeared,  coming  down,  a  heavy  iron-clad  that  had 
passed  the  Yicksburg  batteries.  This  proved  to  be  the  India- 
nola,  armed  with  two  eleven-inch  guns  forward  and  two  nine- 
inch  aft,  all  in  iron  casemates.  The  ."Webb  returned  to  De 
Russy  with  this  information,  which  was  forwarded  to  Alexan- 
dria. "We  had  barely  time  to  congratulate  ourselves  on  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Queen  before  the  appearance  of  the  Indianola  de- 
prived us  again  of  the  navigation  of  the  great  river,  so  vital  to 
our  cause.  To  attempt  the  destruction  of  such  a  vessel  as  the 
Indianola  with  our  limited  means  seemed  madness ;  yet  volun- 
teers for  the  work  promptly  offered  themselves. 

Major  Brent  took  command  of  the  expedition,  with  Captain 
McCloskey,  staff  quartermaster,  on  the  Queen,  and  Charles 
Pierce,  a  brave  steamboatman,  on  the  "Webb.  On  the  19th  of 
February  Brent  went  down  to  De  Russy  with  the  Queen,  me- 
chanics still  working  on  repairs,  and  there  called  for  volunteer 
crews  from  the  garrison.  These  were  furnished  at  once,  sixty 
for  the  "Webb  under  Lieutenant  Handy,  seventy  for  the  Queen, 
on  which  boat  Brent  remained.  There  were  five  and  twenty  more 
than  desired ;  but,  in  their  eagerness  to  go,  many  Texans  and 
Louisianians  smuggled  themselves  aboard.  The  fighting  part 
of  the  expedition  was  soon  ready,  but  there  was  difficulty  about 
stokers.     Some  planters  from  the  upper  Red  River  had  brought 


124:  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

down  their  slaves  to  De  Russy  to  labor  on  earthworks,  but  they 
positively  refused  to  furnish  stokers  for  the  boats.  It  was  a 
curious  feature  of  the  war  that  the  Southern  people  would  cheer- 
fully send  their  sons  to  battle,  but  kept  their  slaves  out  of  dan- 
ger. Having  exhausted  his  powers  of  persuasion  to  no  purpose, 
Major  Brent  threw  some  men  ashore,  surrounded  a  gang  of 
negroes  at  work,  captured  the  number  necessary,  and  departed. 
A  famous  din  was  made  by  the  planters,  and  continued  until 
their  negroes  were  safely  returned. 

In  the  night  of  the  22d  of  February  the  expedition,  followed 
by  a  tender,  entered  the  Mississippi,  and  met  a  steamer  from 
Port  Hudson,  with  two  hundred  men,  sent  up  by  General  Gar- 
diner to  destroy  the  Queen  of  the  West,  the  capture  of  which 
was  unknown.  This,  a  frail  river  boat  without  protection  for 
her  boilers,  could  be  of  no  service ;  but  she  followed  Brent  up 
the  river,  keeping  company  with  his  tender.  On  the  23d 
Natchez  was  reached,  and  here  the  formidable  character  of  the 
Indianola  was  ascertained.  "While  steaming  up  river  in  search 
of  the  enemy,  the  crews  were  exercised  at  the  guns,  the  dis- 
charge of  which  set  fire  to  the  cotton  protecting  the  boilers  of 
the  Queen.  This  was  extinguished  with  difficulty,  and  showed 
an  additional  danger,  to  be  guarded  against  by  wetting  the  cot- 
ton thoroughly.  Arrived  in  the  afternoon  of  the  24th  at  a 
point  sixty  miles  below  Yicksburg,  Brent  learned  that  the  In- 
dianola was  but  a  short  distance  ahead,  with  a  coal  barge  lashed 
on  each  side.  He  determined  to  attack  in  the  night,  to  diminish 
the  chances  of  the  enemy's  fire.  It  was  certain  that  a  shell 
from  one  of  the  eleven-  or  nine-inch  guns  would  destroy  either 
of  his  boats. 

At  10  p.  m.  the  Indianola  was  seen  near  the  western  shore, 
some  thousand  yards  distant,  and  the  Queen,  followed  by  the 
Webb,  was  driven  with  full  head  of  steam  directly  upon  her, 
both  boats  having  their  lights  obscured.  The  momentum  of 
the  Queen  was  so  great  as  to  cut  through  the  coal  barge  and  in- 
dent the  iron  plates  of  the  Indianola,  disabling  by  the  shock  the 
engine  that  worked  her  paddles.  As  the  Queen  backed  out  the 
Webb  dashed  in  at  full  speed,  and  tore  away  the  remaining  coal 


OPERATIONS  IE"  LOUISIANA,  ETC.  125 

barge.  Both  the  forward  guns  fired  at  the  Webb,  but  missed 
her.  Returning  to  the  charge,  the  Queen  struck  the  Indianola 
abaft  the  paddle  box,  crushing  her  frame  and  loosening  some 
plates  of  armor,  but  received  the  fire  of  the  guns  from  the  rear 
casemates.  One  shot  carried  away  a  dozen  bales  of  cotton  on 
the  right  side ;  the  other,  a  shell,  entered  the  forward  port-hole 
on  the  left  and  exploded,  killing  six  men  and  disabling  two 
field  pieces.  Again  the  Webb  followed  the  Queen,  struck  near 
the  same  spot,  pushing  aside  the  iron  plates  and  crushing  tim- 
bers. Yoices  from  the  Indianola  announced  the  surrender,  and 
that  she  was  sinking.  As  she  was  near  the  western  shore,  not 
far  below  Grant's  army,  Major  Brent  towed  her  to  the  opposite 
side,  then  in  our  possession,  where,  some  distance  from  the 
bank,  she  sank  on  a  bar,  her  gun  deck  above  water. 

Thus  we  regained  control  of  our  section  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  by  an  action  that  for  daring  will  bear  comparison  with 
any  recorded  of  Kelson  or  Dundonald.  Succeeding  events  at 
Yicksburg  and  Gettysburg  so  obscured  this  one,  that  in  justice 
to  the  officers  and  men  engaged  it  has  seemed  to  me  a  duty  to 
recount  it. 

Brent  returned  to  Red  River,  with  his  boats  much  shattered 
by  the  fray ;  and  before  we  could  repair  them,  Admiral  Farra- 
gut  with  several  ships  of  war  passed  Port  Hudson,  and  the  navi- 
gation of  the  great  river  was  permanently  lost  to  us.  Of  the 
brave  and  distinguished  Admiral  Farragut,  as  of  General  Grant, 
it  can  be  said  that  he  always  respected  non-combatants  and  prop- 
erty, and  made  war  only  against  armed  men. 

In  the  second  week  of  March  a  brigade  of  mounted  Texans, 
with  a  four-gun  battery,  reached  Opelousas,  and  was  directed  to 
Bisland  on  the  lower  Teche.  This  force  numbered  thirteen 
hundred,  badly  armed ;  and  to  equip  it  exhausted  the  resources 
of  the  little  arsenal  at  New  Iberia.  Under  Brigadier  Sibley, 
it  had  made  a  campaign  into  New  Mexico  and  defeated  the 
Federals  in  some  minor  actions,  in  one  of  which,  Yalverde,  the 
four  guns  had  been  captured.  The  feeble  health  of  Sibley 
caused  his  retirement  a  few  days  after  he  reached  the  Teche, 
and  Colonel  Thomas  Green,  a  distinguished  soldier,  succeeded 


126  DESTRUCTION  AND  REOONSTEUOTIOK 

to  the  command  of  the  brigade.  The  men  were  hardy  and 
many  of  the  officers  brave  and  zealous,  but  the  value  of  these 
qualities  was  lessened  by  lack  of  discipline.  In  this,  however, 
they  surpassed  most  of  the  mounted  men  who  subsequently 
joined  me,  discipline  among  these  "shining  by  its  utter  ab- 
sence." Their  experience  in  war  was  limited  to  hunting  down 
Comanches  and  Lipans,  and,  as  in  all  new  societies,  distinctions 
of  rank  were  unknown.  Officers  and  men  addressed  each  other 
as  Tom,  Dick,  or  Harry,  and  had  no  more  conception  of  mili- 
tary gradations  than  of  the  celestial  hierarchy  of  the  poets. 

I  recall  an  illustrative  circumstance.  A  mounted  regiment 
arrived  from  Texas,  which  I  rode  out  to  inspect.  The  profound 
silence  in  the  camp  seemed  evidence  of  good  order.  The  men 
were  assembled  under  the  shade  of  some  trees,  seated  on  the 
ground,  and  much  absorbed.  Drawing  near,  I  found  the  colonel 
seated  in  the  center,  with  a  blanket  spread  before  him,  on  which 
he  was  dealing  the  fascinating  game  of  monte.  Learning  that 
I  would  not  join  the  sport,  this  worthy  officer  abandoned  his 
amusement  with  some  displeasure.  It  was  a  scene  for  that  illus- 
trious inspector  Colonel  Martinet  to  have  witnessed. 

There  also  arrived  from  the  east,  in  the  month  of  March, 
1863,  to  take  command  of  the  "  Trans-Mississippi  Department," 
Lieutenant-General  E.  Kirby  Smith,  which  "  department,"  in- 
cluding the  States  of  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Louisiana,  and  Texas, 
and  the  Indian  Territory,  with  claims  on  New  Mexico,  extended 
over  some  millions  of  square  miles.  The  occupation  of  a  large 
part  of  this  region  by  the  Federals  would  have  spared  General 
Smith  some  embarrassments,  had  he  not  given  much  of  his 
mind  to  the  recovery  of  his  lost  empire,  to  the  detriment  of  the 
portion  yet  in  his  possession ;  and  the  substance  of  Louisiana 
and  Texas  was  staked  against  the  shadow  of  Missouri  and 
northern  Arkansas. 

General  E.  Kirby  Smith  graduated  from. West  Point  in 
1845,  in  time  to  see  service  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  Resign- 
ing from  the  United  States  cavalry  to  join  the  Confederacy,  he 
moved  with  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston's  forces  from  the  Yal- 
ley  to  reenforce  Beauregard  at  Manassas,  where  he  was  wounded 


OPERATIONS  IN  LOUISIANA,  ETC.  127 

while  bringing  up  some  troops  to  our  left.  Commanding  in 
eastern  Tennessee  in  the  summer  of  1862,  lie  led  a  force  into 
Kentucky  through  Cumberland  Gap,  to  cooperate  with  Bragg. 
At  Richmond,  Kentucky,  a  body  of  Federals  was  driven  off, 
and  Smith  moved  north  to  Lexington  and  Frankfort;  after 
which  his  column  was  absorbed  by  Bragg's  army.  The  senior 
general  west  of  the  Mississippi,  Holmes,  was  in  Arkansas,  where 
he  had  accomplished  nothing  except  to  lose  five  thousand  of  his 
best  troops,  captured  at  Arkansas  Post  by  General  Sherman. 
It  was  advisable  to  supersede  Holmes ;  and,  though  he  proved 
unequal  to  extended  command,  Smith,  from  his  training  and 
services,  seemed  an  excellent  selection.  General  Smith  re- 
mained for  several  weeks  in  Alexandria,  when  he  was  driven 
away  by  the  enemy's  movements.  The  military  situation  of 
my  immediate  command  was  explained  to  him. 

To  reopen  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  the  great 
desire  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  especially  of  the  "West- 
ern people,  and  was  mTfkifested  by  declarations  and  acts.  Grant 
was  operating  against  Yicksburg,  and  Banks  would  certainly 
undertake  the  reduction  of  Port  Hudson ;  but  it  was  probable 
that  he  would  first  clear  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  to 
prevent  interruption  of  his  communications  with  New  Orleans, 
threatened  so  long  as  we  had  a  force  on  the  lower  Atchafalaya 
and  Teche.  Banks  had  twenty  thousand  men  for  the  field, 
while  my  force,  including  Green's  Texans,  would  not  exceed 
twenty-seven  hundred,  with  many  raw  recruits,  and  badly 
equipped.  The  position  at  Bisland  might  be  held  against  a 
front  attack,  but  could  be  turned  by  the  way  of  Grand  Lake. 
"With  five  thousand  infantry  I  would  engage  to  prevent  the 
investment  of  Port  Hudson ;  and  as  such  a  reenf orcement  must 
come  from  Holmes,  and  could  not  reach  me  for  a  month,  I 
hoped  immediate  orders  would  be  issued. 

On  the  28th  of  March  "Weitzel,  who  had  been  quiet  at  Ber 
wick's  Bay  for  some  time,  sent  the  gunboat  Diana,  accompanied 
by  a  land  force,  up  the  Teche  to  drive  in  our  pickets.  The 
capture  of  the  Queen  of  the  "West  and  destruction  of  the  India- 
nola  had  impaired  the  prestige  of  gunboats,  and  the  troops  at 


128  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Bisland  were  eager  to  apply  my  theory  of  attacking  them  at 
close  quarters.  The  enemy's  skirmishers  were  driven  off;  a 
section  of  the  "Yalverde"  battery,  Captain  Sayres,  rapidly 
advanced ;  the  fire  of  the  gunboat  was  silenced  in  a  moment, 
and  she  surrendered,  with  two  companies  of  infantry  on  board. 
She  was  armed  with  a  thirty-pounder  Parrott  and  two  field 
guns,  and  had  her  boilers  protected  by  railway  iron.  Moved 
up  to  Bisland,  her  "Parrott"  became  a  valuable  adjunct  to 
our  line  of  defense. 


CHAPTEK    IX. 

ATTACKED    BY   THE    FEDERALS ATTEMPT    TO    EELIEVE   VICKSBTTEG 

CAPTUEE   OF   BEEWICK's   BAT. 

Inceeased  activity  of  the  enemy  at  Berwick's  Bay  in  the 
first  days  of  April  indicated  an  advance ;  and  to  guard  against 
the  danger  from  Grand  Lake,  Fuller,  whose  wounds  in  the  Cot- 
ton affair  were  partially  healed,  was  sent  to  Alexandria  to  com- 
plete repairs  on  the  Queen  and  convert  one  or  two  other  steam- 
ers into  gunboats.  It  was  hoped  that  he  might  harass  the  enemy 
on  Grand  Lake,  delay  the  landing  of  troops,  and  aid  the  little 
garrison  at  Butte  a  la  Rose  in  defending  the  Atchaf alaya.  Ful- 
ler was  as  energetic  as  brave,  but  the  means  at  his  disposal  were 
very  limited.  Accompanied  by  a  tender,  he  descended  the 
Atchafalaya  on  the  Queen,  leaving  orders  for  his  steamers  to 
follow  as  soon  as  they  were  armed.  They  failed  to  reach  him, 
and  his  subsequent  fate  will  be  mentioned. 

On  the  10th  of  April  the  enemy  had  assembled  at  Berwick's 
sixteen  thousand  men  under  "Weitzel,  Emory,  and  Grover  ("  Re- 
port on  the  Conduct  of  the  "War,"  vol.  ii.,  page  309).  On  the  12th 
Weitzel  and  Emory,  twelve  thousand  strong,  advanced  up  the 
Teche  against  Bisland,  while  Grover,  with  four  thousand  men, 
embarked  on  transports  to  turn  our  position  by  Grand  Lake. 
"Weitzel  and  Emory  came  in  sight  of  our  lines  before  nightfall, 
threw  forward  skirmishers,  opened  guns  at  long  range,  and  bi- 
vouacked ;  and  our  scouts  reported  the  movement  on  the  lake. 
My  dispositions  were  as  follows :  Mouton,  with  six  hundred 
men  and  six  guns,  held  the  left  from  the  lake  to  the  Teche. 
The  Diana  in  the  bayou  and  two  twenty-fours  on  the  right  bank 
guarded  the  stream  and  the  main  road ;  and  sixteen  hundred 
9 


130  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

men,  with  twelve  guns,  prolonged  the  line  to  the  railway  em- 
bankment on  our  extreme  right,  held  by  Green  with  his  dis- 
mounted horsemen.  One  of  Green's  regiments,  Colonel  Reilly, 
the  2d  Louisiana  cavalry,  Colonel  Yincent,  recently  embodied, 
and  a  section  of  guns,  were  at  Hutchin's  Point  on  Grand  Lake. 

The  cannonading  ceased  at  dark,  and  when  all  was  quiet  I 
rode  up  to  Franklin,  thirteen  miles,  to  look  after  my  rear.  A  staff 
officer  had  been  previously  sent  to  direct  the  removal  of  stores 
from  ISTew  Iberia,  order  down  Clack's  battalion,  some  ninety 
men,  from  the  salt  mines,  and  communicate  with  Fuller  at 
Butte  a  la  Rose  ;  but  the  country  around  the  Butte  was  flooded, 
and  he  was  unable  to  reach  it. 

Above  Franklin  the  Teche  makes  a  great  bend  to  the  east 
and  approaches  Grand  Lake  at  Hutchin's  Point,  where  there  was 
a  shell  bank,  and  a  good  road  leading  to  the  high  ground  along 
the  bayou.  The  road  to  ISTew  Iberia  leaves  the  Teche  at  Frank- 
lin to  avoid  this  bend,  and  runs  due  north  across  the  prairie. 
Just  clear  of  the  village  it  enters  a  small  wood,  through  which 
flows  a  sluggish  stream,  the  Bayou  Yokely,  crossed  by  a  bridge. 
In  the  wood  and  near  the  stream  the  ground  was  low  and  boggy, 
impassable  for  wagons  except  on  a  causeway.  The  distance 
from  Hutchin's  Point  to  Yokely  Bridge  was  less  than  that  from 
Bisland ;  and  this  bridge,  held  by  the  enemy,  made  escape  from 
the  latter  place  impossible ;  yet  to  retreat  without  fighting  was, 
in  the  existing  condition  of  public  sentiment,  to  abandon  Loui- 
siana. 

I  remained  at  Franklin  until  after  midnight,  when,  learning 
from  Eeilly  that  no  landing  had  been  made  at  Hutchin's,  I  re- 
turned to  Bisland.  The  enemy  was  slow  in  moving  on  the 
13th,  apparently  waiting  for  the  effect  of  his  turning  movement 
to  be  felt.  As  the  day  wore  on  he  opened  his  guns,  and  gradu- 
ally increased  his  fire  until  it  became  very  heavy.  Many  of  his 
field  pieces  were  twenty-pounder  Parrotts,  to  which  we  had 
nothing  to  reply  except  the  Parrott  on  the  Diana  and  the  twen- 
ty-fours ;  and,  as  our  supply  of  ammunition  was  small,  Major 
Brent  desired  to  reserve  it  for  an  emergency. 

"With  the  exception  of  Green's  command,  the  troops  on  the 


ATTACKED  BY  THE  FEDEKALS.         131 

right  of  the  Teche  were  raw,  and  had  never  been  in  action.  As 
shot  and  shell  tore  over  the  breastwork  behind  which  they  were 
lying,  much  consternation  was  exhibited,  and  it  was  manifest 
that  an  assault,  however  feeble,  would  break  a  part  of  the  line. 
It  was  absolutely  necessary  to  give  the  men  some  morale  ;  and, 
mounting  the  breastwork,  I  made  a  cigarette,  struck  fire  with 
my  hriquet,  and  walked  up  and  down,  smoking.  Near  the  line 
was  a  low  tree  with  spreading  branches,  which  a  young  officer, 
Bradford  by  name,  proposed  to  climb,  so  as  to  have  a  better 
view.  I  gave  him  my  field  glass,  and  this  plucky  youngster  sat 
in  his  tree  as  quietly  as  in  a  chimney  corner,  though  the  branches 
around  were  cut  away.  These  examples,  especially  that  of  Cap- 
tain Bradford,  gave  confidence  to  the  men,  who  began  to  expose 
themselves,  and  some  casualties  were  suffered  in  consequence. 

From  the  extreme  right  Colonel  Green  sent  word  that  his 
corner  was  uncomfortably  hot,  and  I  found  it  so.  The  battery 
near  him  was  cut  up,  its  captain,  Sayres,  severely  wounded,  and 
Major  Brent  withdrew  it.  Green  was  assured  that  there  were  no 
places  on  our  line  particularly  cool,  and  there  was  nothing  to  be 
done  but  submit  to  the  pounding. 

A  heavy  fire  was  concentrated  on  the  twenty-fours  and  the 
Diana.  Captain  Semmes,  son  of  Admiral  Semmes  of  Alabama 
fame,  and  an  officer  of  much  coolness  in  action,  had  been  de- 
tached from  his  battery  and  placed  in  command  of  the  boat.  A 
message  from  him  informed  me  that  the  Diana  was  disabled. 
She  was  lying  against  the  bank  under  a  severe  fire.  The  waters 
of  the  bayou  seemed  to  be  boiling  like  a  kettle.  An  officer 
came  to  the  side  of  the  boat  to  speak  to  me,  but  before  he  could 
open  his  mouth  a  shell  struck  him,  and  he  disappeared  as  sud- 
denly as  Harlequin  in  a  pantomine.  Semmes  then  reported  his 
condition.  Conical  shells  from  the  enemy's  Parrotts  had  pierced 
the  railway  iron,  killed  and  wounded  several  of  his  gunners  and 
crew,  and  cut  a  steam  pipe.  Fortunately,  he  had  kept  down  his 
fires,  or  escaping  steam  would  have  driven  every  one  from  the 
boat.  It  was  necessary  to  take  her  out  of  fire  for  repairs.  To 
lose  even  temporarily  our  best  gun,  the  thirty-pounder,  was 
hard,  but  there  was  no  help  for  it. 


132  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

During  the  day  staff  officers  were  frequently  sent  to  Mouton 
to  ascertain  his  condition ;  and,  as  the  bridge  over  which  they 
passed  was  in  the  line  of  fire  directed  on  the  Diana  and  the 
twenty-fours,  the  promenade  was  not  a  holiday  affair. 

Several  times  in  the  afternoon  the  enemy  appeared  to  be 
forming  for  an  assault ;  and  after  my  men  had  become  steady,  I 
hoped  an  attack  would  be  made,  feeling  confident  of  repuls- 
ing it. 

ISTight  brought  quiet,  and  no  report  came  from  Reilly  at 
Hutchin's.  No  news  seemed  good  news ;  for  I  would  have 
ample  time  to  provide  against  a  debarkation  north  of  Hutchin's. 
The  force  at  Bisland  was  in  fine  spirits.  Protected  by  the  breast- 
work, we  had  suffered  but  little ;  and  the  Diana  was  expected 
to  resume  her  position  before  morning. 

At  9  p.  m.  appeared  Colonel  Reilly  to  make  the  following  re- 
port :  The  enemy  had  landed  at  Hutchin's,  several  thousand 
strong,  with  artillery,  and  advanced  to  the  Teche,  pushing  our 
people  back  to  and  through  Franklin.  Reilly  had  left  his  com- 
mand in  camp  below  Franklin,  toward  Bisland,  but  thought  the 
enemy  had  not  reached  the  village  at  nightfall.  Here  was  pleas- 
ant intelligence  !  There  was  no  time  to  ask  questions.  I  ho^ed 
to  cut  my  way  through,  but  feared  the  loss  of  wagons  and  ma- 
terial. Mouton  was  directed  to  withdraw  from  the  left  bank  of 
the  bayou,  start  the  artillery  and  trains  to  Franklin,  and  follow 
with  the  infantry.  Green,  with  his  mounted  men  and  a  section 
of  guns,  was  to  form  the  rear  guard ;  and  Semmes  was  told  to 
hurry  his  repairs  and  get  the  Diana  to  Franklin  by  dawn.  As 
there  was  no  means  of  removing  the  two  twenty-fours,  they 
were  to  be  disabled.  Leaving  Major  Brent  to  look  after  his 
artillery  and  Major  Levy  to  superintend  the  prompt  execution 
of  orders,  I  rode  for  Franklin,  taking  Reilly  with  me.  Reach- 
ing his  camp,  three  miles  from  the  town,  I  found  the  men  sleep- 
ing and  the  trains  parked,  though  the  enemy  was  so  near  at 
hand.  The  camp  was  aroused,  the  troops  were  ordered  under 
arms,  and  Reilly  left  to  move  up  at  once,  with  his  trains  fol- 
lowing. 

Two  hours  after  midnight,  and  the  village  of  Franklin  was 


ATTACKED  BY  THE  FEDERALS.         133 

as  silent  as  the  grave.  Beyond  the  last  honses,  toward  New 
Iberia,  a  faint  light  from  some  camp  fires  could  be  seen.  "Were 
the  Federals  in  possession  of  the  road  ?  Approaching  the  fires 
cautiously,  I  saw  a  sentinel  walking  his  post,  and,  as  he  passed 
between  me  and  the  light,  marked  his  ragged  Confederate  garb. 
Major  Clack  had  reached  this  point  after  dark,  and  intended  to 
resume  his  march  to  Bisland  in  the  morning.  He  speedily  got 
his  little  band  under  arms,  and  in  the  darkness  we  beat  the  wood 
to  our  right.  Not  a  picket  nor  scout  was  found,  and  Yokely 
Causeway  and  Bridge  were  safe.  From  the  farther  edge  of  the 
wood,  in  open  fields,  Federal  camp  fires  were  visible.  It  was  a 
wonderful  chance.  Grover  had  stopped  just  short  of  the  prize. 
Thirty  minutes  would  have  given  him  the  wood  and  bridge, 
closing  the  trap  on  my  force.  Eeilly,  with  his  own  and  Yin- 
cent's  regiments  of  horse  and  the  two  guns,  came  up.  The 
guns  were  placed  on  the  road  near  the  Teche,  with  orders  to 
stand  fast.  Reilly  and  Yincent  dismounted  their  men,  sent 
horses  well  to  the  rear,  and  formed  line  in  the  wood  to  the  left 
of  the  guns,  with  Clack  to  the  left  of  Yincent. 

The  first  light  of  dawn  made  objects  visible  and  aroused  the 
Federals,  some  two  hundred  yards  distant.  Advancing  rapidly 
from  the  wood,  our  line  poured  in  a  fire  and  rushed  forward 
with  a  shout.  Taken  by  surprise,  the  Federals  fell  back,  leav- 
ing a  battery  on  their  right  exposed.  To  prevent  the  sleepy 
gunners  from  opening,  I  rode  straight  on  the  guns,  followed  by 
my  staff  and  four  mounted  couriers,  and  the  gunners  made  off. 
All  this  was  easy  enough.  Surprise  and  the  uncertain  light  had 
favored  us ;  but  broad  day  exposed  our  weakness,  and  the  enemy 
threw  forward  a  heavy  line  of  skirmishers.  It  was  necessary  for 
us  to  regain  the  wood,  now  four  hundred  yards  to  the  rear. 
Officers  behaved  admirably  in  seconding  my  efforts  to  encour- 
age and  steady  their  men  and  keep  them  well  in  hand.  Our 
two  guns  on  the  road  fired  rapidly  and  effectively,  but  the  Fed- 
erals came  on  in  numbers,  and  their  fire  began  to  tell.  Reilly 
was  killed,  Yincent  wounded  in  the  neck,  and  many  others  went 
down.  At  this  moment  the  peculiar  whistle  of  a  Parrott  shell 
was  heard,  and  Semmes  appeared  with  the  Diana. 


134  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  enemy's  advance  was  arrested ;  Gray's  infantry  from 
Bisland  came  up ;  the  wood  was  occupied ;  Mouton  with  the  re- 
maining infantry  arrived,  and  all  danger  was  over.  Green,  in 
command  of  the  rear  guard,  showed  great  vigor,  and  prevented 
Emory  and  "Weitzel  from  pressing  the  trains.  Besides  the  twen- 
ty-fours mentioned,  one  gun  of  Cornay's  battery,  disabled  in  the 
action  of  the  13th,  was  left  at  Bisland,  and  with  these  exceptions 
every  wagon,  pot,  or  pan  was  brought  off.  Two  months  later 
these  guns  were  recaptured,  much  to  the  delight  of  our  men. 

The  trains  over  Yokely  Bridge  and  on  the  road  to  New  Iberia, 
Mouton  skillfully  withdrew  from  Grover's  front  as  Green  en- 
tered Franklin  from  below.  To  facilitate  this,  Semmes  was  di- 
rected to  work  the  Diana's  gun  to  the  last  moment,  then  get 
ashore  with  his  crew,  and  blow  up  the  boat.  "With  his  usual 
coolness  Semmes  carried  out  his  instructions,  but,  remaining  too 
long  near  the  Diana  to  witness  the  explosion  he  had  arranged, 
was  captured. 

The  object  sought  in  holding  on  to  Bisland  was  attained. 
From  this  time  forward  I  had  the  sympathy  and  support  of  the 
people,  and  my  troops  were  full  of  confidence.  Our  retreat  to 
Opelousas,  by  New  Iberia  and  Yermilionville,  was  undisturbed, 
Green  with  his  horse  keeping  the  enemy  in  check.  Indeed,  the 
pursuit  was  without  energy  or  vigor.  The  first  defensible  posi- 
tion was  at  the  Bayou  Yermilion,  thirty  miles  south  of  Opelou- 
sas. Here,  after  an  action  of  some  warmth,  the  enemy  was  held 
back  until  night  and  the  bridge  destroyed.  From  Opelousas  the 
infantry,  by  easy  marches,  moved  to  and  up  the  valley  of  the 
Red  River,  where  supplies  were  abundant.  The  country  was 
open,  and  the  great  superiority  of  his  numbers  enabled  the 
enemy  to  do  as  he  liked.  Mouton,  with  Green's  horse,  marched 
west  of  Opelousas.  It  was  hoped  that  he  could  find  subsistence 
between  that  place  and  the  Mermentou  River,  and  be  in  position 
to  fall  on  the  enemy's  rear  and  capture  any  small  force  left  on  the 
Teche.  I  supposed  that  the  Federal  army,  after  reaching  Alex- 
andria, would  turn  to  the  east,  cross  the  Mississippi,  and  invest 
Port  Hudson ;  and  this  supposition  proved  to  be  correct. 

Meantime,  accompanied  by  a  tender,  Fuller  on  the  Queen 


ATTACKED  BY  THE  FEDEKALS.         135 

entered  Grand  Lake  on  the  13th,  expecting  his  two  armed  steam- 
ers to  follow.  On  the  morning  of  the  14th  the  Federal  gun- 
boats  from  Berwick's  Bay  appeared,  and  Fuller,  dispatching 
the  tender  up  the  Atchafalaya  to  hasten  his  steamers,  prepared 
for  action,  as  he  doubtless  would  have  done  in  presence  of  Ad- 
miral Farragut's  fleet.  A  shell  set  fire  to  the  Queen,  and  Fuller 
with  his  crew  was  captured.  On  the  20th  the  enemy's  gunboats, 
assisted  by  four  companies  of  infantry,  captured  Butte  a  la  Rose 
with  two  twenty-four-pounders  and  sixty  men.  Semmes,  Fuller, 
and  the  prisoners  taken  from  the  Queen  and  at  the  Butte,  were 
on  the  transport  Maple  Leaf  with  Captain  Fusilier,  and  escaped 
in  the  manner  related,  excepting  Fuller,  who  from  wounds  re- 
ceived in  his  last  action  was  unable  to  walk.  Remaining  in 
charge  of  the  Maple  Leaf  until  his  friends  were  ashore,  he  re- 
stored her  to  the  Federals,  was  taken  to  Fort  Delaware,  and  died 
in  prison.     A  braver  man  never  lived. 

The  Federal  army  reached  Opelousas  on  the  20th  of  April, 
and  remained  there  until  the  5th  of  May,  detained  by  fear  of 
Mouton's  horse  to  the  west.  Unfortunately,  this  officer  was 
forced  by  want  of  supplies  to  move  to  the  Sabine,  more  than  a 
hundred  miles  away,  and  thrown  out  of  the  game  for  many  days. 

In  the  "Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,"  vol.  ii.,  pp.  309 
and  310,  the  Federal  General  Banks  makes  the  following  state- 
ments :  "  During  these  operations  on  the  Teche  we  captured 
over  twenty-five  hundred  prisoners  and  twenty-two  guns ;  de- 
stroyed three  gunboats  and  eight  steamers  "  ;  and  further :  "  A 
dispatch  from  Governor  Moore  to  General  Taylor  was  inter- 
cepted, in  which  Taylor  was  directed  to  fall  back  into  Texas." 
At  the  time,  my  entire  force  in  western  Louisiana  was  under 
three  thousand,  and  it  is  rather  startling  to  learn  that  we_  were 
all  captured.  Two  twenty-fours  and  one  field  gun  were  aban^ 
doned  at  Bisland,  and  two  twenty-fours  lost  at  Butte  a  la  Rose; 
"We  scuttled  and  burnt  the  Cotton  at  Bisland,  and  blew  up  the 
Diana  (captured  from  the  enemy)  at  Franklin.  The  Queen  (also 
captured)  was  destroyed  in  action  on  Grand  Lake.  The  Federals 
caught  two  small  steamers,  the  Ellen  and  Cornie,  in  the  Atcha- 
falaya, and  we  destroyed  two  in  the  Teche.     The  other  four  re- 


136  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ported  by  General  Banks  must  have  come  from  the  realm  of  the 
multitude  of  prisoners  and  guns.  It  also  appears  from  the  in- 
tercepted dispatch  of  Governor  Moore  that  major-generals  of 
the  Confederate  army  were  under  the  orders  of  State  governors 
— an  original  discovery. 

The  delay  of  the  Federals  at  Opelousas  gave  abundant  time 
to  remove  our  stores  from  Alexandria.  General  Kirby  Smith, 
the  new  departmental  commander,  was  advised  to  retire  to 
Shreveport,  two  hundred  miles  up  Red  River,  where,  remote 
from  danger  or  disturbance,  he  could  organize  his  administra- 
tion. Threatened  in  rear,  Fort  De  Russy  was  untenable ;  so 
the  place  was  dismantled  and  the  little  garrison  withdrawn.  On 
the  16th  of  April  Admiral  Porter  with  several  gunboats  had 
passed  the  Yicksburg  batteries,  and  the  abandonment  of  De 
Russy  now  left  the  Red  River  open  to  him.  He  reached  Alex- 
andria on  the  9th  of  May,  a  few  hours  in  advance  of  Banks's 
army.  From  the  8th  to  the  11th  of  the  same  month  some  of 
his  gunboats  bombarded  Fort  Beauregard,  on  the  Washita,  but 
were  driven  off  by  the  garrison  under  Colonel  Logan. 

At  this  time  I  was  sorely  stricken  by  domestic  grief.  On 
the  approach  of  the  enemy  to  Alexandria  my  family  embarked 
on  a  steamer  for  Shreveport.  Accustomed  to  the  gentlest  care, 
my  good  wife  had  learned  to  take  action  for  herself,  insisting 
that  she  was  unwilling  to  divert  the  smallest  portion  of  my  time 
from  public  duty.  A  moment  to  say  farewell,  and  she  left  with 
our  four  children,  two  girls  and  two  boys,  all  pictures  of  vigor- 
ous health.  '  Before  forty-eight  hours  had  passed,  just  as  she 
reached  Shreveport,  scarlet  fever  had  taken  away  our  eldest  boy, 
and  symptoms  of  the  disease  were  manifest  in  the  other  children. 
The  bereaved  mother  had  no  acquaintance  in  Shreveport,  but 
the  Good  Samaritan  appeared  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Ulger  Lauve, 
a  resident  of  the  place,  who  took  her  to  his  house  and  showed 
her  every  attention,  though  he  exposed  his  own  family  to  great 
danger  from  contagion.  The  second  boy  died  a  few  days  later. 
The  two  girls,  older  and  stronger,  recovered.  I  was  stunned  by 
this  intelligence,  so  unexpected,  and  it  was  well  perhaps  that  the 
absorbing  character  of  my  duties  left  no  time  for  the  indulgence 


ATTACKED  BY  THE  FEDEEALS.  137 

of  private  grief ;  but  it  was  sad  to  think  of  the  afflicted  mother, 
alone  with  her  dead  and  dying,  deprived  of  the  consolation  of 
my  presence.  Many  days  passed  before  we  met,  and  then  but 
for  an  hour. 

My  infantry,  hardly  a  thousand  strong,  with  the  trains,  had 
marched  to  Natchitoches  and  camped,  and  some  mounted  scouts 
to  observe  the  enemy  were  kept  in  the  vicinity  of  Alexandria. 

On  page  309  of  the  "Report"  before  quoted,  General 
Banks  says :  "  A  force  under  Generals  Weitzel  and  Dwight 
pursued  the  enemy  nearly  to  Grand  Ecore,  so  thoroughly  dis- 
persing his  forces  that  he  was  unable  to  reorganize  a  respect- 
able army  until  July."  A  party  of  Federal  horse  crossed 
Cane  River  at  Monette's  Ferry,  forty  miles  below  Grand 
Ecore,  and  chased  a  mounted  orderly  and  myself  about  four 
miles,  then  turned  back  to  Alexandria ;  but  I  maintain  that  the 
orderly  and  I  were  not  dispersed,  for  we  remained  together  to 
the  end. 

The  Federal  army  withdrew  from  Alexandria  on  the  13th 
of  May,  and  on  the  23d  crossed  the  Mississippi  and  proceeded 
to  invest  Port  Hudson ;  whereupon  I  returned  by  steamer  to 
Alexandria,  directing  the  infantry  at  Natchitoches  to  march 
back  to  the  Teche  to  unite  with  Mouton.  Having  obtained 
supplies  on  the  Sabine,  Mouton  and  Green,  the  latter  promoted 
to  brigadier  for  gallant  conduct,  returned  to  the  Teche  country, 
but  arrived  too  late  to  cut  off  the  enemy,  who  with  large  plun- 
der had  crossed  to  the  east  side  of  Berwick's  Bay,  where  he  had 
fortifications  and  gunboats. 

At  Alexandria  a  communication  from  General  Kirby  Smith 
informed  me  that  Major-General  Walker,  with  a  division  of  in- 
fantry and  three  batteries,  four  thousand  strong,  was  on  the 
march  from  Arkansas,  and  would  reach  me  within  the  next  few 
days ;  and  I  was  directed  to  employ  "Walker's  force  in  some  at- 
tempt to  relieve  Yicksburg,  now  invested  by  General  Grant, 
who  had  crossed  the  Mississippi  below  on  the  1st  of  May. 

The  peculiar  position  of  Yicksburg  and  the  impossibility  of 
approaching  it  from  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  have  been 
stated,  and  were  now  insisted  upon.     Granting  the  feasibility 


138  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

of  traversing  the  narrow  peninsula  opposite  the  place,  seven 
miles  in  length  and  swept  by  guns  afloat  on  both  sides,  what 
would  be  gained  ?  The  problem  was  to  withdraw  the  garrison, 
not  to  reenforce  it;  and  the  correctness  of  this  opinion  was 
proved  by  the  fact  that  Pemberton  could  not  use  the  peninsular 
route  to  send  out  messengers. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  was  confident  that,  with  "Walker's 
force,  Berwick's  Bay  could  be  captured,  the  Lafourche  overrun, 
Banks's  communication  with  New  Orleans  interrupted,  and  that 
city  threatened.  Its  population  of  two  hundred  thousand  was 
bitterly  hostile  to  Federal  rule,  and  the  appearance  of  a  Con- 
federate force  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  would  raise 
such  a  storm  as  to  bring  General  Banks  from  Port  Hudson,  the 
garrison  of  which  could  then  unite  with  General  Joseph  John- 
ston in  the  rear  of  General  Grant.  Too  late  to  relieve  Port 
Hudson,  I  accomplished  all  the  rest  with  a  force  of  less  than 
three  thousand  of  all  arms. 

Remonstrances  were  of  no  avail.  I  was  informed  that  all 
the  Confederate  authorities  in  the  east  were  urgent  for  some 
effort  on  our  part  in  behalf  of  Yicksburg,  and  that  public  opin- 
ion would  condemn  us  if  we  did  not  try  to  do  something.  To 
go  two  hundred  miles  and  more  away  from  the  proper  theatre 
of  action  in  search  of  an  indefinite  something  was  hard;  but 
orders  are  orders.  Time  was  so  important  that  I  determined  to 
run  the  risk  of  moving  Walker  by  river,  though  the  enemy 
could  bring  gunboats  into  the  lower  Red  and  Washita,  as  well 
as  into  the  Tensas,  and  had  some  troops  in  the  region  between 
this  last  and  the  Mississippi.  Steamers  were  held  in  readiness, 
and  as  soon  as  Walker  arrived  his  command- was  embarked  and 
taken  up  the  Tensas.  I  went  on  in  advance  to  give  notice  to 
the  boats  behind  of  danger;  for,  crowded  with  troops,  these 
would  have  been  helpless  in  the  event  of  meeting  an  enemy. 

Without  interference,  a  point  on  the  Tensas  opposite  Yicks- 
burg was  reached  and  the  troops  disembarked.  Here  Captain 
Harrison's  mounted  men,  previously  mentioned,  met  us.  For 
safety  the  steamers  were  sent  down  the  Tensas  to  its  junction 
with  the  Washita,  and  up  the  last  above  Fort  Beauregard  ;  and 


ATTEMPT  TO  RELIEVE  VICKSBURG.  139 

bridges  were  thrown  over  the  Tensas  and  Macon  to  give  com- 
munication with  the  terminus  of  the  Monroe  Railway. 

Walker  rapidly  advanced  to  the  village  of  Richmond,  mid- 
way between  the  Tensas  and  Mississippi,  some  twelve  miles 
from  each,  where  he  surprised  and  captured  a  small  Federal 
party.  At  Young's  Point,  ten  miles  above  Yieksburg,  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  river,  the  enemy  had  a  fortified  camp,  and  a 
second  one  four  miles  above  Young's,  both  occupied  by  negro 
troops.  Holding  one  brigade  in  reserve  at  the  point  of  separa- 
tion of  the  roads,  Walker  sent  a  brigade  to  Young's  and  an- 
other to  the  camp  above.  Both  attacks  were  made  at  dawn, 
and,  with  the  loss  of  some  scores  of  prisoners,  the  negroes  were 
driven  over  the  levee  to  the  protection  of  gunboats  in  the  river. 

Fifteen  miles  above  Yieksburg  the  Yazoo  River  enters  the 
Mississippi  from  the  east,  and  twenty-five  miles  farther  up 
Steele's  Bayou  connects  the  two  rivers.  Before  reaching  the 
Mississippi  the  Yazoo  makes  a  bend  to  the  south,  approaching 
the  rear  of  Yieksburg.  The  right  of  Grant's  army  rested  on 
this  bend,  and  here  his  supplies  were  landed,  and  his  transports 
were  beyond  the  reach  of  annoyance  from  the  west  bank  of  the 
Mississippi. 

As  foreseen,  our  movement  resulted,  and  could  result,  in 
nothing.  Walker  was  directed  to  desist  from  further  efforts  on 
the  river,  and  move  to  Monroe,  where  steamers  would  be  in 
readiness  to  return  his  command  to  Alexandria,  to  which  place 
I  pushed  on  in  advance.  Subsequently,  General  Kirby  Smith 
reached  Monroe  direct  from  Shreveport,  countermanded  my 
orders,  and  turned  Walker  back  into  the  region  east  of  the 
Tensas,  where  this  good  soldier  and  his  fine  division  were  kept 
idle  for  some  weeks,  until  the  fall  of  Yieksburg.  The  time 
wasted  on  these  absurd  movements  cost  us  the  garrison  of  Port 
Hudson,  nearly  eight  thousand  men ;  but  the  pressure  on  Gen- 
eral Kirby  Smith  to  do  something  for  Yieksburg  was  too  strong 
to  be  resisted. 

At  Alexandria  I  found  three  small  regiments  of  Texan 
horse,  just  arrived.  Together  they  numbered  six  hundred  and 
fifty,  and  restored  the  loss  suffered  in  action  and  in  long  marches 


140  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

by  the  forces  on  the  Teche.  Colonel  (afterward  brigadier)  Ma- 
jor, the  senior  officer,  was  ordered  to  move  these  regiments  to 
Morgan's  Ferry  on  the  Atchaf alaya ;  and  by  ambulance,  with 
relays  of  mules,  I  reached  Mouton  and  Green  on  the  lower 
Teche  in  a  few  hours. 

The  Federals  had  a  number  of  sick  and  convalescent  at  Ber- 
wick's Bay,  but  the  effective  force  was  small.  Some  works 
strengthened  their  positions,  and  there  was  a  gunboat  anchored 
in  the  bay.  Mouton  and  Green  were  directed  to  collect  small 
boats,  skiffs,  flats,  even  sugar-coolers,  in  the  Teche ;  and  the  im- 
portance of  secrecy  was  impressed  upon  them.  Pickets  were 
doubled  to  prevent  communication  with  the  enemy,  and  only  a 
few  scouts  permitted  to  approach  the  bay.  Returning  north  to 
Morgan's  Ferry,  I  crossed  the  Atchafalaya  with  Major's  com- 
mand, and  moved  down  the  Fordoche  and  Grosse-Tete,  bayous 
draining  the  region  between  the  Atchafalaya  and  Mississippi. 
A  short  march  brought  us  near  the  Fausse  Riviere,  an  ancient 
bed  of  the  Mississippi,  some  miles  west  of  the  present  channel, 
and  opposite  Port  Hudson. 

Halting  the  command  on  the  Fordoche,  I  rode  out  to  the 
estate  of  an  acquaintance  on  Fausse  Biviere,  whence  the  noise 
of  battle  at  Port  Hudson  could  be  heard.  Two  ladies  of  the 
family,  recently  from  ISTew  Orleans,  told  me  that  the  Federal 
force  left  in  the  city  would  not  exceed  a  thousand  men ;  that  a 
small  garrison  occupied  a  work  near  Donaldsonville,  where  the 
Lafourche  leaves  the  Mississippi,  and  with  this  exception  there 
were  no  troops  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river.  From  our  posi- 
tion on  the  Fordoche  to  the  Bayou  Boeuf,  in  rear  of  the  Federal 
camp  at  Berwick's  Bay,  was  over  a  hundred  miles.  The  route 
followed  the  Grosse-Tete  to  Plaquemine  on  the  Mississippi,  and 
to  escape  observation  Plaquemine  must  be  passed  in  the  night. 
Below  this  point  there  was  an  interior  road  that  reached  the 
Lafourche  some  distance  below  Donaldsonville.  Minute  in- 
structions and  guides  were  given  to  Major. 

It  was  now  the  19th  of  June,  and  he  was  expected  to  reach 
the  Bceuf  on  the  morning  of  the  23d.  The  necessity  of  punctu- 
ality was  impressed  on  him  and  his  officers,  as  I  would  attack 


OAPTUEE  OF  BERWICK'S  BAY.  141 

Berwick's  at  dawn  on  the  23d,  and  their  cooperation  was  re- 
quired to  secure  success.  Indeed,  their  own  safety  depended 
on  promptness.  The  men  carried  rations,  with  some  forage, 
and  wagons  were  sent  back  across  the  Atchafalaya.  Major 
moved  in  time  to  pass  Plaquemine,  twenty  odd  miles,  before 
midnight,  and  I  hastened  to  Mouton's  camp  below  Bisland, 
reaching  it  in  the  afternoon  of  the  22d. 

Fifty-three  small  craft,  capable  of  transporting  three  hun- 
dred men,  had  been  collected.  Detachments  for  the  boats  were 
drawn  from  Green's  brigade  and  the  2d  Louisiana  horse.  Major 
Hunter  of  Baylor's  Texans  was  placed  in  command,  with  Major 
Blair  of  the  2d  Louisiana  as  second.  After  nightfall  Hunter  em- 
barked his  men,  and  paddled  down  the  Teche  to  the  Atchafalaya 
and  Grand  Lake.  Fortunately,  there  was  no  wind;  for  the 
slightest  disturbance  of  the  lake  would  have  swamped  his  fleet. 
He  had  about  twelve  miles  to  make,  and  was  expected  to  reach 
before  daylight  the  northeast  end  of  the  island,  a  mile  from 
Berwick's  and  the  railway  terminus,  where  he  was  instructed  to 
lie  quiet  until  he  heard  General  Green's  guns  from  the  west 
side  of  the  bay,  then  rush  on  the  rear  of  the  Federal  works. 
During  the  night  Green  placed  a  battery  opposite  the  gunboat 
and  railway  station,  and  deployed  five  hundred  dismounted  men 
along  the  shores  of  the  bay,  here  eight  hundred  yards  wide. 
The  battery  was  run  up  by  hand,  and  every  precaution  to  se- 
cure silence  taken.  At  dawn  of  the  23d  (June,  1863)  our  guns 
opened  on  the  gunboat,  and  speedily  drove  it  away.  Fire  was 
then  directed  on  the  earthwork,  where  the  enemy,  completely 
surprised,  had  some  heavy  pieces  with  which  he  attempted  to 
reply.  A  shout  was  heard  in  his  rear,  and  Hunter  with  his 
party  came  rushing  on.  Resistance  ceased  at  once ;  but  before 
Hunter  closed  in,  a  train  of  three  engines  and  many  carriages 
escaped  from  the  station  toward  the  Bceuf,  seven  miles  away. 
I  crossed  in  a  "  pirogue "  with  Green,  and  sent  back  two  flats 
and  several  skiffs  found  on  the  east  side  for  his  men,  who  used 
them  to  get  over,  their  horses  swimming  alongside. 

It  was  a  scene  of  the  wildest  excitement  and  confusion. 
The  sight  of  such  quantities  of  "  loot "  quite  upset  my  hungry 


142  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

followers.  "Wandering  through  the  station  and  warehouse,  filled 
with  stores,  a  Texan  came  upon  a  telegraphic  instrument,  click- 
ing in  response  to  one  down  the  line.  Supposing  this  to  be 
some  infernal  machine  for  our  destruction,  he  determined  to 
save  his  friends  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life,  and  smashed  the  in- 
strument with  his  heavy  boots ;  then  rushed  among  his  com- 
rades, exclaiming :  "  Boys !  they  is  trying  to  blow  us  up.  I 
seen  the  triggers  a-working,  but  I  busted  'em." 

Mouton  now  crossed  with  some  infantry,  and  order  was  re- 
stored; and  Green,  who  had  brought  over  several  scores  of 
horses,  mounted  his  men  and  followed  the  rail  toward  the  Boeuf . 
Before  reaching  it  he  heard  the  noise  of  the  train ;  then,  firing 
and  moving  forward,  found  the  train  stopped,  and  Major,  up  to 
time,  in  possession  of  the  bridge.  The  capture  of  the  train  was 
of  importance,  as  it  enabled  us  to  operate  the  thirty  miles  of 
rail  between  Berwick's  and  the  Lafourche. 

In  the  combined  movements  described,  Green  and  Major 
had  set  out  from  points  more  than  a  hundred  miles  apart,  the 
latter  marching  through  a  region  in  possession  or  under  control 
of  the  enemy,  while  the  boat  expedition  of  Hunter  passed  over 
twelve  miles  of  water ;  yet  all  reached  their  goal  at  the  appointed 
time.  Although  every  precaution  had  been  taken  to  exclude 
mistakes  and  insure  cooperation,  such  complete  success  is  not 
often  attained  in  combined  military  movements ;  and  I  felt  that 
sacrifices  were  due  to  Fortune. 

In  his  rapid  march  from  the  Fordoche  Major  captured 
seventy  prisoners  and  burned  two-steamers  at  Plaque  mine.  He 
afterward  encountered  no  enemy  until  he  reached  Thibodeaux, 
near  which  place,  at  Lafourche  Crossing,  there  was  a  stockade 
held  by  a  small  force  to  protect  the  railway  bridge.  Colonel 
Pyron,  with  two  hundred  men,  was  detached  to  mask  or  carry 
this  stockade,  and  Major  passed  on  to  the  Boeuf.  Pyron's  at- 
tack was  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  fifty-five  killed  and  wounded, 
Pyron  among  the  latter;  but  the  enemy,  after  destroying  the 
bridge,  abandoned  the  post  and  three  guns  and  retired  to  JSTew 
Orleans. 

The  spoils  of  Berwick's  were  of  vast  importance.     Twelve 


CAPTURE  OF  BERWICK'S  BAY.  143 

guns,  thirty-twos  and  twenty-fours  (among  which  were  our  old 
friends  from  Bisland),  seventeen  hundred  prisoners,  with  many 
small  arms  and  accouterments,  and  great  quantities  of  quarter- 
master's, commissary,  ordnance,  and  medical  stores,  fell  into  our 
hands.  For  the  first  time  since  I  reached  western  Louisiana  I 
had  supplies,  and  in  such  abundance  as  to  serve  for  the  Red 
River  campaign  of  1864.  Three  fourths  of  the  prisoners  were 
sick  and  convalescent  men  left  here,  as  well  as  the  stores,  by 
General  Banks,  when  he  marched  up  the  Teche  in  April.  Ex- 
cepting those  too  ill  to  be  moved,  the  prisoners  were  paroled 
and  sent  to  New  Orleans  under  charge  of  their  surgeons. 

I  was  eager  to  place  batteries  on  the  Mississippi  to  interrupt 
Banks's  communication  with  New  Orleans ;  but  the  passage  of 
Berwick's  Bay  consumed  much  time,  though  we  worked  night 
and  day.  We  were  forced  to  dismount  guns  and  carriages  and 
cross  them  piecemeal  in  two  small  flats,  and  several  days  elapsed 
before  a  little  steamer  from  the  upper  Teche  could  be  brought 
down  to  assist.  It  must  be  remembered  that  neither  artillery 
nor  wagons  accompanied  Major's  march  from  the  Fordoche. 

On  the  24th  General  Green,  with  Major's  men  and  such  of 
his  own  as  had  crossed  their  horses,  marched  for  Donaldsonville, 
sixty-five  miles,  and  General  Mouton,  with  two  regiments  of 
infantry,  took  rail  to  Thibodeaux  and  sent  pickets  down  the  line 
to  Bayou  Des  Allemands,  twenty-five  miles  from  New  Orleans. 
Our  third  regiment  of  infantry  remained  at  the  bay,  where 
Major  Brent  was  at  work  mounting  the  captured  guns  on  the 
southern  end  of  the  island  and  on  the  western  shore  opposite. 
Gunboats  could  stop  the  crossing,  and  entrance  from  the  Gulf 
was  open.  "While  we  might  drive  off  "  tin-clads  "  the  enemy 
had  boats  capable  of  resisting  field  guns,  and  it  is  remarkable 
that,  from  the  23d  of  June  to  the  22d  of  July,  he  made  no  at- 
tempt to  disturb  us  at  Berwick's  Bay. 

General  Green  reached  the  vicinity  of  Donaldsonville  on 
the  27th,  and  found  an  earthwork  at  the  junction  of  the  La- 
fourche and  Mississippi.  This  work,  called  Fort  Butler,  had  a 
ditch  on  three  sides,  and  the  river  face  was  covered  by  gun- 
boats in  the  stream.     The  garrison  was  reported  to  be  from  two 


1M  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

to  three  hundred  negro  troops.  After  some  correspondence 
with  Mouton,  Green  determined  to  assault  the  place,  and  drew 
around  it  five  hundred  of  his  men  in  the  night  of  the  27th. 
Two  hours  before  dawn  of  the  28th  Colonel  Joseph  Phillipps 
led  his  regiment,  two  hundred  strong,  to  the  attack.  Darkness 
and  ignorance  of  the  ground  caused  much  blundering.  The 
levee  above  the  fort  was  mistaken  for  the  parapet,  and  some 
loss  was  sustained  from  the  fire  of  gunboats.  Changing  direc- 
tion, Phillipps  came  upon  the  ditch,  unknown  to  him  as  to 
Green,  who  had  been  deceived  by  false  information.  The  ditch 
passed,  Phillipps  mounted  the  parapet  and  fell  dead  as  he 
reached  the  top.  An  equally  brave  man,  Major  Ridley,  worthy 
of  his  leader,  followed,  and,  calling  on  his  men  to  come,  jumped 
into  the  work.  Frightened  by  his  appearance,  the  enemy  aban- 
doned the  parapet ;  but  finding  that  Ridley  was  alone,  returned 
and  captured  him.  A  dozen  men  would  have  carried  the  place ; 
but  the  ditch  afforded  protection  from  fire,  and  the  men,  dis- 
heartened by  Phillipps's  death,  could  not  be  induced  to  leave  it. 
Indeed,  the  largest  part  of  our  loss,  ninety-seven,  was  made  up 
of  these  men,  who  remained  in  the  ditch  until  daylight  and  sur- 
rendered. 

The  above  statements  are  taken  from  the  report  of  Major 
Ridley,  made  after  he  was  exchanged.  The  affair  was  unfortu- 
nate. Open  to  fire  from  vessels  on  the  river,  Port  Butler  was 
of  no  value  to  us,  and  the  feeble  garrison  would  have  remained 
under  cover;  but,  like  the  Irishman  at  Donnybrook,  Green's 
rule  was  to  strike  an  enemy  whenever  he  saw  him — a  most  com- 
mendable rule  in  war,  and  covering  a  multitude  of  such  small 
errors  as  the  attack  on  Fort  Butler. 

Meantime  I  was  detained  at  Berwick's  Bay,  engaged  in  hur- 
rying over  and  forward  artillery  and  arranging  to  transport  the 
more  valuable  stores  into  the  interior.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  near  the  end  of  the  first  week  in  July  that  I  succeeded  in 
placing  twelve  guns  on  the  river  below  Donaldsonville.  Fire 
was*  opened,  one  transport  destroyed  and  several  turned  back. 
Gunboats  attempted  to  dislodge  us,  but  were  readily  driven 
away  by  the  aid  of  Green's  men,  dismounted  and  protected  by 


CAPTURE  OF  BERWICK'S  BAY.  145 

the  levee.  For  three  days  the  river  was  closed  to  transports, 
and  our  mounted  scouts  were  pushed  down  to  a  point  opposite 
Kenner,  sixteen  miles  above  New  Orleans.  A  few  hours  more, 
and  the  city  would  have  been  wild  with  excitement ;  but  in  war 
time  once  lost  can  not  be  regained.  The  unwise  movement 
toward  Yicksburg  retarded  operations  at  Berwick's  and  on  the 
river,  and  Port  Hudson  fell.  During  the  night  of  the  10th  of 
July  intelligence  of  its  surrender  on  the  previous  day  reached 
me,  and  some  hours  later  the  fall  of  Yieksburg  on  the  4th  was 
announced. 

An  iron-clad  or  two  in  Berwick's  Bay,  and  the  road  at  Pla- 
quemine  held  by  troops,  supported  by  vessels  in  the  river,  would 
close  all  egress  from  the  Lafourche,  and  the  enemy  could  make 
arrangements  to  bag  us  at  his  leisure ;  while  Grant's  army  and 
Porter's  fleet,  now  set  free,  might  overrun  the  Washita  and  Ked 
River  regions  and  destroy  Walker's  division,  separated  from  me 
by  a  distance  of  more  than  three  hundred  miles.  The  outlook 
was  not  cheerful,  but  it  was  necessary  to  make  the  best  of  it, 
and  at  all  hazards  save  our  plunder.  Batteries  and  outposts 
were  ordered  in  to  the  Lafourche ;  Green  concentrated  his  horse 
near  Donaldsonville,  the  infantry  moved  to  Labadieville  to  sup- 
port him,  and  Mouton  went  to  Berwick's,  where  he  worked 
night  and  day  in  crossing  stores  to  the  west  side  of  the  bay. 

On  the  13th  of  July  Generals  Weitzel,  Grover,  and  D  wight, 
with  six  thousand  men,  came  from  Port  Hudson,  disembarked 
at  Donaldsonville,  and  advanced  down  the  Lafourche.  Order- 
ing up  the  infantry,  I  joined  Green,  but  did  not  interfere  with 
his  dispositions,  which  were  excellent.  His  force,  fourteen  hun- 
dred, including  a  battery,  was  dismounted  and  in  line.  As  I 
reached  the  field  the  enemy  came  in  sight,  and  Green  led  on 
his  charge  so  vigorously  as  to  drive  the  Federals  into  Donald- 
sonville, capturing  two  hundred  prisoners,  many  small  arms, 
and  two  guns,  one  of  which  was  the  field  gun  lost  at  Bisland. 
The  affair  was  finished  too  speedily  to  require  the  assistance 
of  the  infantry. 

Undisturbed,  we  removed  not  only  all  stores  from  Berwick's, 
but  many  supplies  from  the  abundant  Lafourche  country,  in- 
10 


146  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

eluding  a  large  herd  of  cattle  driven  from  the  prairies  of  Ope- 
lonsas  by  the  Federals  some  weeks  before.  On  the  21st  of  July 
we  ran  the  engines  and  carriages  on  the  railway  into  the  bay, 
threw  in  the  heavy  guns,  and  moved  up  the  Teche,  leaving 
pickets  opposite  Berwick's.  Twenty-four  hours  thereafter  the 
enemy's  scouts  reached  the  bay.  The  timidity  manifested  after 
the  action  of  the  13th  may  be  ascribed  to  the  fertile  imagina- 
tion of  the  Federal  commander,  General  Banks,  which  multi- 
plied my  force  of  less  than  three  thousand  of  all  arms  into  nine 
or  twelve  thousand. 

In  the  "  Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the  "War,"  vol.  ii.,  pages 
313  and  314,  General  Banks  states : 

"  Orders  had  been  sent  to  Brashear  City  [Berwick's]  to  re- 
move all  stores,  but  to  hold  the  position,  with  the  aid  of  gun- 
boats, to  the  last.  The  enemy  succeeded  in  crossing  Grand  Lake 
by  means  of  rafts,  and  surprised  and  captured  the  garrison, 
consisting  of  about  three  hundred  men.  The  enemy,  greatly 
strengthened  in  numbers,  then  attacked  the  works  at  Donald- 
sonville,  on  the  Mississippi,  which  were  defended  by  a  garrison 
of  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  men,  including  convalescents, 
commanded  by  Major  J.  D.  Bullen,  28th  Maine  volunteers. 
The  attack  was  made  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June,  and 
lasted  until  daylight.  The  garrison  made  a  splendid  defense, 
killing  and  wounding  more  than  their  own  number,  and  cap- 
turing as  many  officers  and  nearly  as  many  men  as  their  garri- 
son numbered.  The  enemy's  troops  were  under  the  command 
of  General  Green  of  Texas,  and  consisted  of  the  Louisiana 
troops  under  General  Taylor  and  five  thousand  Texas  cavalry, 
making  a  force  of  nine  to  twelve  thousand  in  that  vicinity. 

"  The  troops  engaged  in  these  different  operations  left  but 
four  hundred  men  for  the  defense  of  New  Orleans.  Upon  the 
surrender  of  Port  Hudson  it  was  found  that  the  enemy  had 
established  batteries  below,  on  the  river,  cutting  off  our  com- 
munication with  New  Orleans,  making  it  necessary  to  send  a 
large  force  to  dislodge  them.  On  the  9th  of  July  seven  trans- 
ports, containing  all  my  available  force,  were  sent  below  against 
the  enemy  in  the  vicinity  of  Donaldson ville.     The  country  was 


CAPTURE  OF  BERWICK'S  BAT.  147 

speedily  freed  from  his  presence,  and  Brashear  City  [Berwick's] 
was  recaptured  on  the  22d  of  July." 

Here  are  remarkable  statements.  Fourteen  hundred  men 
and  the  vast  stores  at  Berwick's  (Brashear  City)  are  omitted,  as 
is  the  action  of  the  13th  of  July  with  "  all  my  [his]  available 
force.  .  .  .  The  country  was  speedily  freed  from  his  [my]  pres- 
ence, and  Brashear  City  reoccupied,"  though  I  remained  in  the 
country  for  eleven  days  after  the  9th,  and  had  abandoned 
Brashear  City  twenty-four  hours  before  the  first  Federal  scout 
made  his  appearance.  The  conduct  of  Major  J.  D.  Bullen, 
2Sth  Maine  volunteers,  with  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  ne- 
groes, "  including  convalescents,"  appears  to  have  surpassed 
that  of  Leonidas  and  his  Spartans;  but,  like  the  early  gods, 
modern  democracies  are  pleased  by  large  utterances. 

"While  we  were  engaged  in  these  operations  on  the  La- 
fourche, a  movement  of  Grant's  forces  from  Natchez  was  made 
against  Fort  Beauregard  on  the  Washita.  The  garrison  of  fifty 
men  abandoned  the  place  on  the  3d  of  September,  leaving  four 
heavy  and  four  field  guns,  with  their  ammunition,  to  be  de- 
stroyed or  carried  off  by  the  enemy. 


CHAPTEE   X. 

MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  EIVEK — CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  BANKS. 

Recent  events  on  the  Mississippi  made  it  necessary  to  con- 
centrate my  small  force  in  the  immediate  valley  of  Red  River. 
Indeed,  when  we  lost  Vicksbnrg  and  Port  Hudson,  we  lost  not 
only  control  of  the  river  but  of  the  valley  from  the  Washita 
and  Atchaf  alaya  on  the  west  to  Pearl  River  on  the  east.  An 
army  of  forty  odd  thousand  men,  with  all  its  material,  was  sur- 
rendered in  the  two  places,  and  the  fatal  consequences  w<ere  felt 
to  the  end  of  the  struggle.  The  policy  of  shutting  up  large 
bodies  of  troops  in  fortifications,  without  a  relieving  army  near 
at  hand,  can  not  be  too  strongly  reprobated.  Yicksburg  should 
have  been  garrisoned  by  not  more  than  twenty-five  hundred 
men,  and  Port  Hudson  by  a  thousand.  These  would  have  been 
ample  to  protect  the  batteries  against  a  sudden  coup,  and  forty 
thousand  men  added  to  General  Joseph  Johnston's  force  would 
have  prevented  the  investment  of  the  places,  or  at  least  made 
their  loss  of  small  moment. 

After  wasting  three  months  in  ineffectual  attempts  to  divert 
the  channel  of  the  Mississippi,  General  Grant  ran  gunboats  and 
transports  by  the  batteries,  and  crossed  the  river  below.  In- 
stead of  meeting  this  movement  with  every  available  man,  Pem- 
berton  detached  General  Bowen  with  a  weak  division,  who 
successfully  resisted  the  Federal  advance  for  many  hours,  vainly 
calling  the  while  for  reinforcements.  Pemberton  then  illus- 
trated the  art  of  war  by  committing  every  possible  blunder. 
He  fought  a  series  of  actions  with  fractions  against  the  enemy's 
masses,  and  finished  by  taking  his  defeated  fragments  into  the 
Yicksburg  trap.     It  may  be  stated,  however,  that,  had  he  acted 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  RED  EIVEE,  ETC.  149 

wisely  and  kept  out  of  Yicksburg,  he  would  have  been  quite  as 
much  hounded  as  he  subsequently  was. 

Grant's  error  in  undertaking  an  impossible  w6rk  cost  him 
three  months'  time  and  the  loss  by  disease  of  many  thousands 
of  his  men.  The  event  showed  that  he  could  as  readily  have 
crossed  the  river  below  Yicksburg  at  first  as  at  last ;  but,  once 
over,  he  is  entitled  to  credit  for  promptly  availing  himself  of 
his  adversary's  mistakes  and  vigorously  following  him.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  his  first  success  at  Fort  Donelson  on  the 
Cumberland.  The  terror  inspired  by  gunboats  in  the  first  year 
of  the  war  has  been  alluded  to ;  and  at  Fort  Donelson  General 
Grant  had  another  potent  ally.  The  two  senior  Confederate 
generals,  politicians  rather  than  warriors,  retired  from  command 
on  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  One  can  imagine  the  effect  of 
such  conduct,  unique  in  war,  on  the  raw  troops  left  behind. 
General  Buckner,  an  educated  soldier,  was  too  heavily  handi- 
capped by  his  worthy  superiors  to  make  a  successful  defense, 
and  General  Grant  secured  an  easy  victory.  "  Among  the  blind, 
the  one-eyed  are  kings." 

General  Grant's  first  essay  at  Belmont  failed,  and  at  Shiloh 
he  was  out-manoeuvred  and  out-fought  by  Sidney  Johnston, 
and,  indeed,  he  was  saved  from  destruction  by  Johnston's  death. 
Before  he  moved  against  Bragg  at  Missionary  Ridge,  the  latter 
had  detached  Longstreet  with  a  third  of  his  force,  while  he 
(Grant)  reenforced  Thomas  with  most  of  the  Yicksburg  army 
and  two  strong  corps  under  Hooker  from  the  east.  The  histo- 
rian of  the  Federal  Army  of  the  Potomac  states  that,  in  reply 
to  a  question  of  General  Meade,  Grant  said:  "I  never  ma- 
noeuvre " ;  and  one  has  but  to  study  the  Yirginia  campaign  of 
1864,  and  imagine  an  exchange  of  resources  by  Grant  and  Lee, 
to  find  the  true  place  of  the  former  among  the  world's  com- 
manders. He  will  fall  into  the  class  represented  by  Marshal 
Yillars  and  the  Duke  of  Cumberland. 

Genius  is  God-given,  but  men  are  responsible  for  their  acts ; 
and  it  should  be  said  of  General  Grant  that,  as  far  as  I  am 
aware,  he  made  war  in  the  true  spirit  of  a  soldier,  never  by  deed 
or  word  inflicting  wrong  on  non-combatants.     It  would  be  to 


150  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

the  credit  of  the  United  States  army  if  similar  statements  could 
be  made  of  Generals  Sherman  and  Sheridan. 

Released  'at  length  from  the  swamps  of  the  Tensas,  where  it 
had  suffered  from  sickness,  "Walker's  division  of  Texas  infantry 
joined  me  in  the  early  autumn,  and  was  posted  to  the  north 
of  Opelousas.  Major-General  J.  G.  Walker  served  as  a  cap- 
tain of  mounted  rifles  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  Resigning  from 
the  United  States  army  to  join  the  Confederacy,  he  commanded 
a  division  at  the  capture  of  Harper's  Ferry  in  1862,  and  in  the 
subsequent  battle  of  Antietam  ;  after  which  he  was  transferred 
to  Arkansas.  Seconded  by  good  brigade  and  regimental  offi- 
cers, he  had  thoroughly  disciplined  his  men,  and  made  them  in 
every  sense  soldiers ;  and  their  efficiency  in  action  was  soon 
established. 

On  the  29th  of  September  Green,  with  his  horse  and  a  part 
of  Mouton's  brigade  of  Louisiana  infantry,  crossed  the  Atcha- 
falaya  at  Morgan's  Ferry,  and  attacked  and  routed  the  enemy 
on  the  Fordoehe,  capturing  four  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners 
and  two  guns.  Green  lost  a  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded; 
the  enemy,  who  fought  under  cover,  less  than  half  that  number. 

In  October  the  Federals  moved  a  large  force  of  all  arms  up 
the  Teche,  their  advance  reaching  the  Courtableau.  I  concen- 
trated for  a  fight,  but  they  suddenly  retired  to  the  Bayou  Bour- 
beau,  three  miles  south  of  Opelousas,  where  they  left  a  consider- 
able body  under  General  Burbridge.  On  the  3d  of  November 
Green,  reenforced  by  three  regiments  of  "Walker's  division,  was 
ordered  to  attack  them,  and  they  were  beaten  with  the  loss  of 
six  hundred  prisoners.  This  was  the  first  opportunity  I  had 
had  of  observing  the  admirable  conduct  of  "Walker's  men  in 
action.  Green's  pursuit  was  stopped  by  the  approach  of  heavy 
masses  of  the  enemy  from  the  south,  who  seemed  content  with 
the  rescue  of  Burbridge,  as  they  retired  at  once  to  the  vicinity 
of  New  Iberia,  fifty  miles  away.  Green  followed  with  a  part 
of  his  horse,  and  kept  his  pickets  close  up ;  but  one  of  his  regi- 
ments permitted  itself  to  be  surprised  at  night,  on  the  open 
prairie  near  New  Iberia,  and  lost  a  hundred  men  out  of  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five.     So  much  for  want  of  discipline  and 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  RED  EIVEE,  ETC.  151 

over-confidence.  General  Banks's  report  mentions  this  capture, 
but  is  silent  about  Bourbeau. 

The  prisoners  taken  at  the  Bourbeau  were  marched  to  the 
Bed  Biver,  where  supplies  could  be  had.  The  second  day  after 
the  action,  en  route  for  Alexandria  in  an  ambulance,  I  turned 
out  of  the  road  on  to  the  prairie  to  pass  the  column,  when  I 
observed  an  officer,  in  the  uniform  of  a  colonel,  limping  along 
with  his  leg  bandaged.  Surprised  at  this,  I  stopped  to  inquire 
the  reason,  and  was  told  that  the  colonel  refused  to  separate 
from  his  men.  Descending  from  the  ambulance,  I  approached 
him,  and,  as  gently  as  possible,  remonstrated  against  the  folly  of 
walking  on  a  wounded  leg.  He  replied  that  his  wound  was  not 
very  painful,  and  he  could  keep  up  with  the  column.  His  regi- 
ment was  from  "Wisconsin,  recruited  among  his  neighbors  and 
friends,  and  he  was  very  unwilling  to  leave  it.  I  insisted  on  his 
riding  with  me,  for  a  time  at  least,  as  we  would  remain  on  the 
road  his  men  were  following.  With  much  reluctance  he  got 
into  the  ambulance,  and  we  drove  on.  For  some  miles  he  was 
silent,  but,  avoiding  subjects  connected  with  the  war,  I  put  him 
at  ease,  and  before  Alexandria  was  reached  we  were  conversing 
pleasantly.  Impressed  by  his  bearing  and  demeanor,  I  asked 
him  in  what  way  I  could  serve  him,  and  learned  that  he  desired 
to  send  a  letter  to  his  wife  in  Wisconsin,  who  was  in  delicate- 
health  and  expecting  to  be  confined.  She  would  hear  of  the- 
capture  of  his  regiment,  and  be  uncertain  as  to  his  fate.  "  You 
shall  go  to  the  river  to-night,"  I  replied,  "catch  one  of  your- 
steamers,  and  take  home  the  assurance  of  your  safety.  Bemain)  on 
parole  until  you  can  send  me  an  officer  of  equal  rank,  and  I  will: 
look  to  the  comfort  of  your  men  and  have  them  exchanged  at 
the  earliest  moment."  His  manly  heart  was  so  affected  by  this 
as  to  incapacitate  him  from  expressing  his  thanks. 

During  the  administration  of  Andrew  Johnson  a  convention 
met  in  the  city  of  Bhiladelphia  which,  at  the  earnest  instance 
of  the  Bresident,  I  attended.  The  gallant  Wisconsin  colonel 
was  also  there  to  lend  his  assistance  in  healing  the  wounds  of 
civil  strife.  My  presence  in  the  city  of  brotherly  love  furnished 
an  occasion  to  a  newspaper  to  denounce  me  as  "a  rebel  who, , 


J52  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

with  hands  dripping  with  loyal  blood,  had  the  audacity  to  show 
myself  in  a  loyal  community."  Whereupon  my  "Wisconsin 
friend,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  persons  from  his  State, 
called  on  me  to  express  condemnation  of  the  article  in  question, 
and  was  ready,  with  the  slightest  encouragement,  to  make  the 
newspaper  office  a  hot  place.  This  was  the  difference  between 
brave  soldiers  and  non-fighting  politicians,  who  grew  fat  by  in- 
flaming the  passions  of  sectional  hate. 

The  ensuing  winter  of  1863-4  was  without  notable  events. 
Control  of  the  Mississippi  enabled  the  enemy  to  throw  his 
forces  upon  me  from  above  and  below  Red  River,  and  by  gun- 
boats interfere  with  my  movements  along  this  stream ;  and  as 
soon  as  the  Lafourche  campaign  ended,  steps  were  taken  to  pro- 
vide against  these  contingencies.  Twenty  miles  south  of  Alex- 
andria a  road  leaves  the  Boauf ,  an  effluent  of  Red  River,  and 
passes  through  pine  forest  to  Burr's  Ferry  on  the  Sabine.  Twen- 
ty odd  miles  from  the  Boeuf  this  road  intersects  another  from 
Opelousas  to  Fort  Jesup,  an  abandoned  military  post,  thence  to 
Pleasant  Hill,  Mansfield,  and  Shreveport.  At  varying  distances 
of  twelve  to  thirty  miles  the  valley  of  the  Red  River  is  an  arc, 
of  which  this  last-mentioned  road  is  the  chord,  and  several 
routes  from  the  valley  cross  to  ferries  on  the  Sabine  above 
Burr's.  But  the  country  between  the  Boeuf  and  Pleasant  Hill, 
ninety  miles,  was  utterly  barren,  and  depots  of  forage,  etc., 
were  necessary  before  troops  could  march  through  it.  With 
great  expenditure  of  time  and  labor  depots  were  established, 
with  small  detachments  to  guard  them ;  and  events  proved  that 
the  time  and  labor  were  well  bestowed. 

Movements  of  the  Federals  along  the  west  coast  of  Texas 
in  November  induced  General  Kirby  Smith  to  withdraw  from 
me  Green's  command  of  Texas  horse,  and  send  it  to  Galveston. 
This  left  me  with  but  one  mounted  regiment,  Vincent's  2d 
Louisiana,  and  some  independent  companies,  which  last  were 
organized  into  two  regiments — one,  on  the  Washita,  by  Colonel 
Harrison,  the  other,  on1  the  Teche,  by  Colonel  Bush ;  but  they 
were  too  raw  to  be  effective  in  the  approaching  campaign. 
Mouton's  brigade  of  Louisiana  infantry  could  be  recruited  to 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  KIVER,  ETC.  153 

some  extent ;  but  the  Texas  infantry  received  no  recruits,  and 
was  weakened  by  the  ordinary  casualties  of  camp  lif  e,  as  well 
as  by  the  action  of  the  Shreveport  authorities.  The  commander 
of  the  "  Trans-Mississippi  Department  "  displayed  much  ardor 
in  the  establishment  of  bureaux,  and  on  a  scale  proportioned 
rather  to  the  extent  of  his  territory  than  to  the  smallness  of  his 
force.  His  staff  surpassed  in  numbers  that  of  Yon  Moltke  dur- 
ing the  war  with  France ;  and,  to  supply  the  demands  of  bureaux 
and  staff,  constant  details  from  the  infantry  were  called  for,  to 
the  great  discontent  of  the  officers  in  the  field.  Hydrocephalus 
at  Shreveport  produced  atrophy  elsewhere.  Extensive  works 
for  defense  were  constructed  there,  and  heavy  guns  mounted ; 
and,  as  it  was  known  that  I  objected  to  fortifications  beyond 
mere  water  batteries,  for  reasons  already  stated,  the  chief  engi- 
neer of  the  "  department "  was  sent  to  Fort  De  Bussy  to  build 
an  iron-casemated  battery  and  other  works.  We  shall  see  what 
became  of  De  Bussy. 

In  the  winter  there  joined  me  from  Arkansas  a  brigade  of 
Texas  infantry,  numbering  seven  hundred  muskets.  The  men 
had  been  recently  dismounted,  and  were  much  discontented 
thereat.  Prince  Charles  Polignac,  a  French  gentleman  of  an- 
cient lineage,  and  a  brigadier  in  the  Confederate  army,  reported 
for  duty  about  the  same  time,  and  was  assigned  to  command 
this  brigade.  The  Texans  swore  that  a  Frenchman,  whose  very 
name  they  could  not  pronounce,  should  never  command  them, 
and  mutiny  was  threatened.  I  went  to  their  camp,  assembled 
the  officers,  and  pointed  out  the  consequences  of  disobedience, 
for  which  I  should  hold  them  accountable ;  but  promised  that 
if  they  remained  dissatisfied  with  their  new  commander  after 
an  action,  I  would  then  remove  him.  Order  was  restored,  but 
it  was  up-hill  work  for  General  Polignac  for  some  time,  not- 
withstanding his  patience  and  good  temper.  The  incongruity 
of  the  relation  struck  me,  and  I  thought  of  sending  my  monte- 
dealing  Texas  colonel  to  Paris,  to  command  a  brigade  of  the 
Imperial  Guard. 

In  the  first  weeks  of  1864  the  enemy  sent  a  gunboat  expe- 
dition up  the  "Washita,  an,d  Polignac's  brigade,  with  a  battery, 


154  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

was  moved  to  Trinity  to  meet  it.  The  gunboats  were  driven 
off,  and  Polignac,  by  his  coolness  under  fire,  gained  the  con- 
fidence of  his  men,  as  he  soon  gained  their  affections  by  his 
care  and  attention.  They  got  on  famously,  and  he  made  capi- 
tal soldiers  out  of  them.  General  Polignac  returned  to  Europe 
in  1865,  and  as  he  had  shown  great  gallantry  and  talent  for  war 
while  serving  with  me,  I  hoped  that  he  might  come  to  the  front 
during  the  struggle  with  Germany ;  but  he  belonged  to  that 
race  of  historic  gentry  whose  ancestors  rallied  to  the  white 
plume  of  Henry  at  Ivry,  and  followed  the  charge  of  Conde  at 
Rocroy.  Had  he  been  a  shopkeeper  or  scribbling  attorney,  he 
might  have  found  favor  with  the  dictator  who  ruled  France. 

All  the  information  received  during  the  months  of  January 
and  February,  1864,  indicated  a  movement  against  me  in  the 
early  spring ;  and  in  the  latter  month  it  was  ascertained  that 
Porter's  fleet  and  a  part  of  Sherman's  army  from  Yicksburg 
would  join  Banks's  forces  in  the  movement,  while  Steele  would 
cooperate  from  Little  Rock,  Arkansas.  This  information  was 
communicated  to  department  headquarters,  and  I  asked  that 
prompt  measures  should  be  taken  to  reenf  orce  me ;  but  it  was 
"  a  far  cry  "  to  Shreveport  as  to  "  Lochow,"  and  the  emergency 
seemed  less  pressing  in  the  rear  than  at  the  front. 

The  end  of  February  found  my  forces  distributed  as  fol- 
lows :  Harrison's  mounted  regiment  (just  organized),  with  a  four- 
gun  battery,  was  in  the  north,  toward  Monroe ;  Mouton's  brigade 
near  Alexandria;  Polignac's  at  Trinity  on  the  Washita,  fifty- 
five  miles  distant ;  Walker's  division  at  Marksville  and  toward 
Simmsport  on  the  Atchafalaya,  with  two  hundred  men  under 
Colonel  Byrd  detached  to  assist  the  gunners  at  De  Russy,  which, 
yet  unfinished,  contained  eight  heavy  guns  and  two  field  pieces. 
Walker  had  three  companies  of  Yincent's  horse  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Atchafalaya,  watching  the  Mississippi.  The  remainder 
of  Yincent's  regiment  was  on  the  Teche. 

Increased  activity  and  concentration  at  Berwick's  Bay,  and 
a  visit  of  Sherman  to  New  Orleans  to  confer  with  Banks,  warned 
me  of  the  impending  blow ;  and  on  the  7th  of  March  Polignac 
was  ordered  to  move  at  once  to  Alexandria,  and  thence,  with 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  KED  RIVER,  ETC.  155 

Mouton's  brigade,  to  the  Bceuf,  twenty-five  miles  south.  Har- 
rison was  directed  to  get  his  regiment  and  battery  to  the  west 
bank  of  the  "Washita,  gather  to  him  several  independent  local 
companies  of  horse,  and  report  to  General  Liddel,  sent  to  com- 
mand on  the  north  bank  of  Red  River,  whence  he  was  to  harass 
the  enemy's  advance  up  that  stream.  Yincent  was  ordered  to 
leave  flying  scouts  on  the  Teche  and  move  his  regiment,  with 
such  men  as  Bush  had  recruited,  to  Opelousas,  whence  he  after- 
ward joined  me  on  the  Burr's  Ferry  road.  At  Alexandria 
steamers  were  loaded  with  stores  and  sent  above  the  falls,  and 
everything  made  ready  to  evacuate  the  place.  These  arrange- 
ments were  not  completed  a  moment  too  soon. 

On  March  12th  Admiral  Porter,  with  nineteen  gunboats, 
followed  by  ten  thousand  men  of  Sherman's  army,  entered  the 
mouth  of  Red  River.  (These  numbers  are  from  Federal  official 
reports.)  On  the  13th,  under  cover  of  a  part  of  the  fleet,  the 
troops  debarked  at  Simmsport,  on  the  Atchaf  alaya  near  the  Red, 
other  vessels  ascending  the  latter  stream,  and  on  the  14th,  under 
command  of  General  A.  J.  Smith,  marched  to  De  Russy,  thirty 
.miles,  which  they  reached  about  5  p.m.  As  stated,  the  work 
was  incomplete,  and  had  time  been  given  me  would  have  been 
abandoned.  Attacked  in  the  rear,  the  garrison  surrendered  after 
losing  ten  killed  and  wounded.  Byrd's  two  hundred  men  were 
in  rifle  pits  on  the  river  below,  where  gunboats,  under  Com- 
mander Phelps,  were  removing  obstructions  in  the  channel.  A 
number  of  Byrd's  men  and  a  few  gunners  escaped  to  the  swamps 
and  rejoined  their  commands ;  but  we  lost  a  hundred  and  eighty- 
five  prisoners,  eight  heavy  guns,  and  two  field  pieces.  Thus 
much  for  our  Red  River  Gibraltar. 

Out  off  from  direct  communication  by  the  sudden  appear- 
ance of  the  enemy  on  the  12th,  the  three  mounted  companies 
east  of  the  Atchafalaya  were  forced  to  cross  at  Morgan's  Ferry, 
below  Simmsport,  and  did  not  rejoin  "Walker  until  the  15th. 
This  officer  was  thereby  left  without  means  of  information; 
but,  judging  correctly  of  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  by  a  per- 
sonal observation  of  his  transports  and  fleet,  he  fell  back  from 
his  advanced  position  to  the  Boeuf,  forty  miles,  where  he  was 


156  DESTRUCTION  AND  EECONSTEUCTION. 

united  with  Mouton  and  Polignac.  His  division  at  this  time 
was  reduced  to  some  thirty-three  hundred  muskets,  too  weak  to 
make  head  against  A.  J.  Smith's  column. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  March  the  advanced  boats 
of  Porter's  fleet  reached  Alexandria,  whence  all  stores  had  been 
removed ;  but,  by  the  mismanagement  of  a  pilot,  one  steamer 
was  grounded  on  the  falls  and  had  to  be  burned. 

In  the  "  Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,"  vol.  ii.,  page 
192,  Colonel  J.  S.  Clarke,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Banks,  states 
that  Banks's  army  in  this  campaign  was  twenty-eight  thousand 
strong,  eighteen  thousand  under  Franklin,  ten  thousand  under 
A.  J.  Smith.  General  Steele,  operating  from  Arkansas,  reports 
his  force  at  seven  thousand ;  and  the  number  of  gunboats  given 
is  taken  from  the  reports  of  Admiral  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy. 

To  meet  Porter  and  A.  J.  Smith,  Major-General  Franklin 
had  left  the  lower  Teche  on  the  13th  for  Alexandria,  with 
eighteen  thousand  men.  My  entire  force  on  the  south  side  of 
Red  River  consisted  of  fifty-three  hundred  infantry,  five  hun- 
dred horse,  and  three  hundred  'artillerymen ;  and  Liddel,  on  the 
north,  had  about  the  same  number  of  horse  and  a  four-gun  bat- 
tery. From  Texas,  if  at  all,  the  delayed  reinforcements  must 
come,  and  it  was  vital  to  cover  the  roads  from  the  Sabine. 

From  the  Boeuf,  on  the  16th,  I  marched  on  the  Burr's  Ferry 
road  to  Carroll  Jones's,  which  was  reached  on  the  evening  of 
the  18th.  Here,  where  the  Burr's  Ferry  and  Natchitoches  roads 
separated,  was  a  depot  of  forage,  and  I  camped. 

Polignac's  and  the  Louisiana  brigade,  under  Colonel  Gray, 
were  united  in  a  division  for  General  Mouton.  Yincent's  horse, 
from  Opelousas,  joined  on  the  19th,  and  on  the  following  day 
was  sent  forward  to  the  Bayou  Rapides,  twelve  miles,  where  it 
skirmished  with  the  enemy's  horse  from  Alexandria,  twenty 
miles  below.  At  dawn  of  the  21st  Edgar's  battery,  four  guns, 
was  sent  to  strengthen  Vincent,  and  posted  in  a  strong  position 
near  James's  Store,  where  it  overlooked  and  commanded  the 
valley. 

Meanwhile,  couriers  were  dispatched  to  the  Sabine  to  inform 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  EIVER,  ETC.  15  7 

approaching  reinforcements  of  my  position,  and  direct  them  on 
to  the  Fort  Jesup  road.  The  21st  proved  to  be  a  cold,  rainy  day, 
with  gusts  of  wind.  Toward  evening  the  sonnd  of  Edgar's  gims 
was  heard.  Fearing  a  surprise  during  the  night,  Captain  Elgee 
of  my  staff  was  sent  to  withdraw  the  battery  and  warn  Yincent 
of  the  necessity  of  vigilance ;  but  the  enemy  had  been  too 
prompt.  Vincent's  pickets  found  their  fires  more  agreeable 
than  outposts.  At  nightfall  the  battery  and  a  number  of  the 
horse  were  captured,  as  was  Captain  Elgee,  who  rode  up  just 
after  the  event.  We  lost  the  four  guns,  with  their  caissons,  and 
two  hundred  men.  Yincent,  with  the  remainder  of  his  com- 
mand escaped.  In  truth,  my  horse  was  too  ill  disciplined  for 
close  work.  On  the  22d  we  marched  to  Beaseley's,  twelve 
miles,  and  remained  until  the  29th,  hoping  that  reinforcements 
would  reach  us.  Beaseley's  was  a  depot  of  forage,  and  covered 
roads  to  Fort  Jesup  and  Natchitoches ;  and  a  cross  road  reached 
the  Ked  River  valley  at  a  point  twenty -five  miles  below  the 
latter  place,  by  which  some  supplies  were  obtained.  As  no 
reenforcements  arrived,  and  the  enemy  was  moving  up  the 
river,  the  troops  were  ordered  to  Pleasant  Hill  via  Fort  Jesup, 
forty  miles,  and  I  went  to  Natchitoches,  thirty  miles.  Here, 
on  the  night  of  the  30th,  I  met  Colonel  McNeill's  regiment  of 
Texas  horse,  numbering  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  of  whom 
fifty  were  without  arms ;  and  the  following  morning  Colonel 
Herbert  came  in,  with  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  of  his  three 
hundred  and  fifty  men  unarmed.  These  were  a  part  of  Green's 
command,  and  the  first  reenforcements  received. 

The  enemy's  advance  reached  Natchitoches,  by  the  river 
road,  on  the  31st,  and  McNeill  and  Herbert  were  directed  to 
fall  back  slowly  toward  Pleasant  Hill,  thirty-six  miles.  I  re- 
mained in  the  town  until  the  enemy  entered,  then  rode  four 
miles  to  Grand  Ecore,  where,  in  the  main  channel  of  Eed  Eiver, 
a  steamer  was  awaiting  me.  Embarking,  I  went  up  river  to 
Blair's  Landing,  forty  miles  by  the  windings  of  the  stream, 
whence  was  a  road,  sixteen  miles,  to  Pleasant  Hill.  Four  miles 
from  Blair's  was  Bayou  Pierre,  a  large  arm  of  the  river,  crossed 
by  a  ferry.     At  Pleasant  Hill,  on  the  1st  of  April,  "Walker  and 


158  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Mouton,  with  their  infantry  divisions,  artillery,  and  trains  joined 
me,  as  did  Green  with  his  staff.  From  the  latter  I  learned  that 
De  Bray's  regiment  of  cavalry,  with  two  batteries  and  trains, 
was  in  march  from  Fort  Jesnp.  As  the  enemy  was  moving 
from  Natchitoches,  and  could  strike  the  Jesnp  road  across  coun- 
try, De  Bray  was  ordered  to  push  forward  his  artillery  and 
wagons,  and  look  well  to  his  right.  He  reached  Pleasant  Hill 
after  dark.  The  enemy  attempted  to  impede  the  march,  but 
was  driven  off,  with  a  loss  of  five  wounded  to  De  Bray.  During 
the  day  our  horse,  toward  Natchitoches,  had  some  skirmishing. 

It  appeared  that  General  Major,  with  the  remainder  of 
Green's  horse,  could  not  get  up  before  the  6th,  and  he  was 
directed  to  cross  the  Sabine  at  Logansport  and  march  to  Mans- 
field, twenty  miles  in  my  rear.  This  insured  his  march  against 
disturbance ;  and,  to  give  him  time,  I  halted  two  days  at  Pleas- 
ant Hill,  prepared  for  action.  But  the  enemy  showed  no  dis- 
position to  advance  seriously,  and  on  the  4th  and  5th  the  infan- 
try moved  to  Mansfield,  where  on  the  following  day  Major, 
with  his  horse  and  Buchell's  regiment  of  cavalry,  joined.  Gen- 
eral Major  was  sent  to  Pleasant  Hill  to  take  charge  of  the  ad- 
vance. 

De  Bray's  and  Buchell's  regiments  have  been  spoken  of  as 
cavalry  to  distinguish  them  from  mounted  infantry,  herein 
called  horse.  They  haei  never  before  left  their  State  (Texas), 
were  drilled  and  disciplined,  and  armed  with  sabers.  Buchell's 
regiment  was  organized  in  the  German  settlement  of  New 
Braunfels.  The  men  had  a  distinct  idea  that  they  were  fight- 
ing for  their  adopted  country,  and  their  conduct  in  battle  was 
in  marked  contrast  to  that  of  the  Germans  whom  I  had  encoun- 
tered in  the  Federal  army  in  Virginia.  Colonel  Buchell  had 
served  in  the  Prussian  army,  and  was  an  instructed  soldier. 
Three  days  after  he  joined  me,  he  was  mortally  wounded  in 
action,  and  survived  but  a  few  hours.  I  sat  beside  him  as  his 
brave  spirit  passed  away.  The  old  "  Fatherland  "  sent  no  bolder 
horseman  to  battle  at  Kossbach  or  Gravelotte. 

During  this  long  retreat  of  two  hundred  miles  from  the 
banks  of  the  Atchaf  alaya  to  Mansfield,  I  had  been  in  correspond- 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  RED  RIVER,  ETC.  159 

ence  with  General  Kirby  Smith  at  Shreveport,  and  always  ex- 
pressed my  intention  to  fight  as  soon  as  reenforcements  reached 
me.  General  Kirby  Smith  thought  that  I  would  be  too  weak 
to  meet  the  enemy,  even  with  all  possible  reenforcements,  and 
suggested  two  courses :  one,  to  hold  the  works  at  Shreveport 
until  he  could  concentrate  a  force  to  relieve  me ;  the  other,  to 
retire  into  Texas  and  induce  the  enemy  to  follow  us. 

My  objection  to  the  first  suggestion  was,  that  it  would  result 
in  the  surrender  of  the  troops  and  Shreveport,  as  it  would  be 
impossible  to  raise  a  new  force  for  their  relief ;  and  to  the  sec- 
ond, that  its  consequences  would  be  quite  as  disastrous  as  a  de- 
feat, as  it  would  be  an  abandonment  of  Louisiana  and  southern 
Arkansas.  The  men  from  these  States  might  be  expected  to 
leave  us,  and  small  blame  to  them  ;  while  from  the  interior  of 
Texas  we  could  give  no  more  aid  to  our  brethren  on  the  east  of 
the  Mississippi  than  from  the  Sandwich  Islands.  General  Kir- 
by Smith  did  not  insist  on  the  adoption  of  either  of  his  own 
suggestions,  nor  express  an  approval  of  mine ;  but  when  Mans- 
field was  reached,  a  decision  became  necessary. 

Three  roads  lead  from  this  place  to  Shreveport,  the  King- 
ston, Middle,  and  Keachi.  The  distance  by  the  first,  the  one 
nearest  to  the  valley  of  Red  River,  is  thirty-eight  miles ;  by  the 
second,  forty ;  and  by  the  third,  forty-five.  From  Keachi,  five 
and  twenty  miles  from  Mansfield  and  twenty  from  Shreveport, 
roads  cross  the  Sabine  into  Texas.  Past  Mansfield,  then,  the 
enemy  would  have  three  roads,  one  of  which  would  be  near  his 
fleet  on  the  river,  and  could  avail  himself  of  his  great  superior- 
ity in  numbers.  This  was  pointed  out  to  the  "  Aulic  Council " 
at  Shreveport,  but  failed  to  elicit  any  definite  response. 

On  the  21st  of  March  there  had  reached  Shreveport,  from 
Price's  command  in  Arkansas,  two  brigades  of  Missouri  infantry 
and  two  of  Arkansas,  numbering  together  forty-four  hundred 
muskets.  These  troops  I  had  repeatedly  asked  for,  but  they 
were  retained  at  Shreveport  until  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  of 
April,  when  they  marched  to  Keachi,  and  reported  to  me  from 
that  place  on  the  morning  of  the  6th.  Supplies  were  far  from 
abundant  in  the  vicinity  of  Mansfield ;  and  as  I  might  at  any 


160  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

moment  receive  an  order  to  retire  to  Keachi,  they  were  directed 
to  remain  there  for  the  present.  Green,  now  promoted  to  ma- 
jor-general, was  placed  in  command  of  all  the  horse,  with  Brig- 
adiers Bee,  Major,  and  Bagby  under  him. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  April,  Major,  from  Pleasant 
Hill,  reported  the  enemy  advancing  in  force ;  whereupon  Green 
went  to  the  front.  Later  in  the  day  the  southerly  wind  brought 
such  distinct  sounds  of  firing  to  Mansfield  as  to  induce  me  to 
join  Green.  Riding  hard,  I  suddenly  met  some  fifty  men  from 
the  front,  and  reined  up  to  speak  to  them ;  but,  before  I  could 
open  my  mouth,  received  the  following  rebuke  from  one  of  the 
party  for  a  bad  habit :  "  General !  if  you  won't  curse  us,  we 
will  go  back  with  you."  I  bowed  to  the  implied  homily,  rode 
on,  followed  by  the  men,  and  found  Green  fighting  a  superior 
force  of  horse.  Putting  in  my  little  reenforcement,  I  joined 
him,  and  enjoyed  his  method  of  managing  his  wild  horsemen ; 
and  he  certainly  accomplished  more  with  them  than  any  one 
else  could  have  done.  After  some  severe  work,  the  enemy's 
progress  was  arrested,  and  it  became  evident  that  Green  could 
camp  that  night  at  a  mill  stream  seven  miles  from  Pleasant  Hill, 
a  matter  of  importance. 

The  roads  in  this  region  follow  the  high  ridge  dividing  the 
drainage  of  Red  River  from  that  of  the  Sabine,  and  water  is 
very  scarce.  Between  Pleasant  Hill  and  Mansfield  but  two 
streams  are  found,  the  one  above  mentioned,  and  a  smaller,  seven 
miles  nearer  to  the  latter  place.  For  twenty  miles  from  Pleas- 
ant Hill  toward  Natchitoches  there  was  little  or  no  water ;  anc 
at  Pleasant  Hill  itself  we  had  exhausted  the  wells  and  reduced 
the  store  in  cisterns  during  our  stay.  This,  as  it  affected  move- 
ments and  positions  of  troops,  should  be  borne  in  mind. 

Leaving  Green,  I  returned  to  Mansfield,  stopping  on  the 
road  to  select  my  ground  for  the  morrow.  This  was  in  the  edge 
of  a  wood,  fronting  an  open  field  eight  hundred  yards  in  width 
by  twelve  hundred  in  length,  through  the  center  of  which  the 
road  to  Pleasant  Hill  passed.  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  field 
was  a  fence  separating  it  from  the  pine  forest,  which,  oj»en  on 
the  higher  ground  and  filled  with  underwood  on  the  lower. 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  RED  RIVER,  ETC.  161 

spread  over  the  country.  The  position  was  three  miles  in  front 
of  Mansfield,  and  covered  a  cross-road  leading  to  the  Sabine. 
On  either  side  of  the  main  Mansfield-Pleasant  Hill  road,  at  two 
miles'  distance,  was  a  road  parallel  to  it  and  connected  by  this 
Sabine  cross-road. 

General  Churchill,  commanding  the  Missouri- Arkansas  troops 
at  Keachi,  was  ordered  to  march  for  Mansfield  at  dawn  of  the 
8th,  and  advised  that  a  battle  was  impending.  My  medical  di- 
rector was  instructed  to  prepare  houses  in  the  village  for  hospi- 
tals, and  quartermasters  were  told  to  collect  supplies  and  park 
surplus  wagons.  An  officer  with  a  small  guard  was  selected  to 
preserve  order  in  the  town,  and  especially  among  the  wagoners, 
always  disposed  to  "  stampede."  "Walker  and  Mouton  were  or- 
dered to  move  their  divisions  in  the  morning,  ready  for  action, 
to  the  position  selected ;  and  a  staff  officer  was  sent  to  Green, 
with  instructions  to  leave  a  small  force  in  front  of  the  enemy, 
and  before  dawn  withdraw  to  the  appointed  ground.  These  ar- 
rangements made,  a  dispatch  was  sent  to  General  Kirby  Smith 
at  Shreveport,  informing  him  that  I  had  returned  from  the 
front,  found  the  enemy  advancing  in  force,  and  would  give  bat- 
tle on  the  following  day,  April  8, 1864,  unless  positive  orders  to 
the  contrary  were  sent  to  me.  This  was  about  9  p.  m.  of 
the  7th. 

My  confidence  of  success  in  the  impending  engagement  was 
inspired  by  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Federal  movements,  as 
well  as  the  character  of  their  commander,  General  Banks,  whose 
measure  had  been  taken  in  the  Virginia  campaigns  of  1862  and" 
since. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  April  Admiral  Porter  left 
Grand  Ecore  with  six  gunboats  and  twenty  transports,  on  which 
last  were  embarked  some  twenty-five  hundred  troops.  The  prog- 
ress of  these  vessels  up  the  river  was  closely  watched  by  an 
officer  of  my  staff,  who  was  also  in  communication  with  Gen^ 
eral  Liddel  on  the  north  side.  Banks  began  his  movement  from 
Grand  Ecore  to  Pleasant  Hill  on  the  6th,  with  an  estimated 
force  of  twenty-five  thousand.  Though  lateral  roads  existed,  his 
column  marched  by  the  main  one,  and  in  the  following,  order; 
11 


162  .  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Five  thousand  mounted  men  led  the  advance,  followed  by  a  large 
wagon  train  and  much  artillery.  Infantry  succeeded,  then  more 
wagons  and  artillery,'  then  infantry  again.  In  the  afternoon  of 
the  Yth  I  knew  that  the  front  and  rear  of  his  column  were  sepa- 
rated by  a  distance  of  twenty  miles. 

My  troops  reached  the  position  in  front  of  Sabine  cross-road 
at  an  early  hour  on  the  8th,  and  were  disposed  as  follows :  On 
the  right  of  the  road  to  Pleasant  Hill,  "Walker's  infantry  divi- 
sion of  three  brigades,  with  two  batteries ;  on  the  left,  Mouton's, 
of  two  brigades  and  two  batteries.  As  Green's  men  came  in 
from  the  front,  they  took  position,  dismounted,  on  Mouton's 
left.  A  regiment  of  horse  was  posted  on  each  of  the  parallel 
roads  mentioned,  and  De  Bray's  cavalry,  with  McMahon's  bat- 
tery, held  in  reserve  on  the  main  road.  Dense  forest  prevented 
the  employment  of  much  artillery,  and,  with  the  exception  of 
McMahon's,  which  rendered  excellent  service,  none  was  used  in 
the  action. 

I  had  on  the  field  fifty-three  hundred  infantry,  three  thou- 
sand horse,  and  five  hundred  artillerymen — in  all,  eight  thousand 
eight  hundred  men,  a  very  full  estimate.  But  the  vicious  dis- 
positions of  the  enemy  made  me  confident  of  beating  all  the 
force  he  could  concentrate  during  the  day ;  and  on  the  morrow 
Churchill,  with  forty-four  hundred  muskets,  would  be  up. 

The  forenoon  of  the  8th  wore  on  as  the  troops  got  into  po- 
sition. Riding  along  the  line,  I  stopped  in  front  of  the  Loui- 
siana brigade  of  Mouton's  division,  and  made  what  proved  to  be 
an  unfortunate  remark  to  the  men :  "  As  they  were  fighting  in 
defense  of  their  own  soil  I  wished  the  Louisiana  troops  to  draw 
the  first  blood."  But  they  were  already  inflamed  by  many  out- 
rages on  their  homes,  as  well  as  by  camp  rumors  that  it  was 
intended  to  abandon  their  State  without  a  fight.  At  this  mo- 
ment our  advanced  horse  came  rushing  in,  hard  followed  by  the 
enemy.  A  shower  of  bullets  reached  Mouton's  line,  one  of 
which  struck  my  horse,  and  a  body  of  mounted  men  charged  up 
to  the  front  of  the  18th  Louisiana.  A  volley  from  this  regi- 
ment sent  them  back  with  heavy  loss.  Infantry  was  reported 
in  the  wood  opposite  my  left.     This  was  a  new  disposition  of 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  BED  EIVER,  ETC.  163 

the  enemy,  for  on  the  6th  and  7th  his  advance  consisted  of  horse 
alone ;  and  to  meet  it,  Mouton  was  strengthened  by  moving 
Eandall's  brigade  of  "Walker's  from  the  right  to  the  left  of  the 
road.  To  cover  this  change,  skirmishers  were  thrown  forward 
and  De  Bray's  regiment  deployed  in  the  field. 

The  enemy  showing  no  disposition  to  advance,  at  4  p.  m.  I 
ordered  a  forward  movement  of  my  whole  line.  The  ardor  of 
Mouton's  troops,  especially  the  Louisianians,  could  not  be  re- 
strained by  their  officers.  Crossing  the  field  under  a  heavy  fire 
of  artillery  and  small  arms,  the  division  reached  the  fence, 
paused  for  a  moment  to  draw  breath,  then  rushed  into  the  wood 
on  the  enemy.  Here  our  loss  was  severe.  General  Mouton  was 
killed,  as  were  Colonels  Armand,  Beard,  and  Walker,  command- 
ing the  18th,  Crescent,  and  28th  Louisiana  regiments  of  Gray's 
brigade.  Major  Canfield  of  the  Crescent  also  fell,  and  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Clack  of  the  same  regiment  was  mortally  wounded. 
As  these  officers  went  down,  others,  among  whom  Adjutant 
Blackman  was  conspicuous,  seized  the  colors  and  led  on  the 
men.  Polignac's  brigade,  on  the  left  of  Gray's,  also  suffered 
heavily.  Colonel  ISToble,  17th  Texas,  with  many  others,  was 
killed.  Polignac,  left  in  command  by  the  death  of  Mouton, 
displayed  ability  and  pressed  the  shattered  division  steadily  for- 
ward. Randall,  with  his  fine  brigade,  supported  him  on  the 
right ;  while  Major's  dismounted  men,  retarded  by  dense  wood, 
much  to  the  impatience  of  General  Green,  gradually  turned  the 
enemy's  right,  which  was  forced  back  with  loss  of  prisoners  and 
guns. 

On  the  right  of  the  main  road  General  Walker,  with  Waul's 
and  Scurry's  brigades,  encountered  but  little  resistance  until  he 
had  crossed  the  open  field  and  entered  the  wood.  Finding  that 
he  outflanked  the  enemy's  left,  he  kept  his  right  brigade,  Scur- 
ry's, advanced,  and  swept  everything  before  him. 

The  first  Federal  line,  consisting  of  all  the  mounted  force 
and  one  division  of  the  13th  army  corps,  was  in  full  flight,  leav- 
ing prisoners,  guns,  and  wagons  in  our  hands.  Two  miles  to 
the  rear  of  the  first  position,  the  2d  division  of  the  13th  corps 
was  brought  up,  but  was  speedily  routed,  losing  guns  and  pri- 


9 


164  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION 

goners;  and  our  advance  continued.  Kear  sunset,  four  miles 
from  our  original  position,  the  19th  army  corps  was  found, 
drawn  up  on  a  ridge  overlooking  a  small  stream.  Fatigued, 
and  disordered  by  their  long  advance  through  dense  wood,  my 
men  made  no  impression  for  a  time  on  this  fresh  body  of  troops ; 
but  possession  of  the  water  was  all-important,  for  there  was  none 
other  between  this  and  Mansfield.  "Walker,  Green,  and  Poli- 
gnac  led  on  their  weary  men,  and  I  rode  down  to  the  stream. 
There  was  some  sharp  work,  but  we  persisted,  the  enemy  fell 
back,  and  the  stream  was  held,  just  as  twilight  faded  into  dark- 
ness. 

Twenty-five  hundred  prisoners,  twenty  pieces  of  artillery, 
several  stands  of  colors,  many  thousands  of  small  arms,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  wagons  were  the  fruits  of  victory  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Mansfield.  Eight  thousand  of  the  enemy,  his  horse  and 
two  divisions  of  infantry,  had  been  utterly  routed,  and  over  five 
thousand  of  the  19th  corps  driven  back  at  sunset.  "With  a 
much  smaller  force  on  the  field,  we  invariably  outnumbered  the 
enemy  at  the  fighting  point ;  and  foreseeing  the  possibility  of 
this,  I  was  justified  in  my  confidence  of  success.  The  defeat 
of  the  Federal  army  was  largely  due  to  the  ignorance  and  arro- 
gance of  its  commander,  General  Banks,  who  attributed  my 
long  retreat  to  his  own  wonderful  strategy. 

ISTight  put  an  end  to  the  struggle  along  the  little  stream,  and 
my  troops  camped  by  the  water. 

A  dispatch  was  sent  to  General  Kirby  Smith,  at  Shreveport, 
to  inform  him  of  the  result  of  the  day's  fighting,  and  of  my 
intention  to  push  the  enemy  on  the  following  morning.  Leav- 
ing instructions  for  Green,  with  all  the  mounted  force,  to  pur- 
sue at  dawn,  I  rode  to  Mansfield  to  look  after  our  wounded  and 
meet  Churchill.  The  precautions  taken  had  preserved  order  in 
the  village  throughout  the  day.  Hospitals  had  been  prepared, 
the  wounded  brought  in  and  cared  for,  prisoners  and  captured 
property  disposed  of.  Churchill  came  and  reported  his  com- 
mand in  camp,  four  miles  from  Mansfield,  on  the  Keachi  road ; 
and  he  was  directed  to  prepare  two  days'  rations,  and  march 
toward  Pleasant  Hill  at  3  a.  m. 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  RED  RIVER,  ETC.  165 

Sitting  by  my  camp  fire  to  await  the  movement  of  Church- 
ill's column,  I  was  saddened  by  recollection  of  the  many  dead, 
and  the  pleasure  of  victory  was  turned  to  grief  as  I  counted  the 
fearful  cost  at  which  it  had  been  won.  Of  the  Louisianians 
fallen,  most  were  acquaintances,  many  had  been  neighbors  and 
friends ;  and  they  were  gone.  Above  all,  the  death  of  gallant 
Mouton  affected  me.  He  had  joined  me  soon  after  I  reached 
western  Louisiana,  and  had  ever  proved  faithful  to  duty.  Mod' 
dest,  unselfish,  and  patriotic,  he  showed  best  in  action,  always 
leading  his  men.  I  thought  of  his  wife  and  children,  and  of 
his  father,  Governor  Mouton,  whose  noble  character  I  have  at- 
tempted to  portray. 

Churchill's  march  disturbed  these  solemn  reveries,  and  I  re- 
turned to  the  front,  where  Walker  and  Green  were  awaiting  the 
approaching  day.  The  horse,  with  a  battery,  moved  early  to 
Pleasant  Hill,  fourteen  miles,  leaving  "Walker  and  Polignac  to 
follow  Churchill's  column  as  soon  as  it  had  passed.  I  rode  with 
Green,  and  we  found  many  stragglers,  scattered  arms,  and  burn- 
ing wagons,  showing  the  haste  of  the  enemy's  retreat.  The 
mill  stream,  seven  miles  distant,  was  reached,  then  the  vicinity 
of  Pleasant  Hill,  before  a  shot  was  fired.  A  short  mile  in  front 
of  the  latter  place  the  enemy  was  found ;  and  as  our  rapid  ad- 
vance had  left  the  infantry  far  to  the  rear,  feints  were  made  to 
the  right  and  left  to  develop  his  position  and  strength. 

The  village  of  Pleasant  Hill  occupies  part  of  a  plateau,  a 
mile  wide  from  east  to  west,  along  the  Mansfield  and  Fort  Jesup 
road.  The  highest  ground,  called  College  Hill,  is  on  the  west, 
and  here  enters  a  road  from  the  Sabine,  which,  sixteen  miles  to 
the  east,  strikes  the  Ked  Eiver  at  Blair's  Landing ;  while,  from 
the  necessity  of  turning  Spanish  Lake,  the  distance  to  Natchi- 
toches and  Grand  Ecore  is  thirty-six  miles.  The  Federal  fleet, 
with  accompanying  troops,  was  now  many  miles  above  Blair's, 
which  by  river  is  forty-five  miles  above  Grand  Ecore.  Driven 
from  Pleasant  Hill  to  the  latter  place,  the  Federal  forces  would 
be  widely  separated,  and  might  be  destroyed  in  detail.  Though 
it  appeared  to  be  the  enemy's  intention  to  continue  his  retreat, 
as  he  was  known  to  be  moving  back  his  trains,  yet  if  undis- 


166  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

turbed  he  might  find  courage  to  attempt  a  junction  with  his 
fleet  at  Blair's  Landing ;  and  I  did  not  wish  to  lose  the  advantage 
of  the  morale  gained  by  success  on  the  previous  day. 

Our  reconnoissance  showed  that  the  Federal  lines  extended 
across  the  open  plateau,  from  College  Hill  on  their  left  to  a 
wooded  height  on  the  right  of  the  road  to  Mansfield.  Winding 
along  in  front  of  this  position  was  a  gully  cut  by  winter  rains, 
but  now  dry,  and  bordered  by  a  thick  growth  of  young  pines, 
with  fallen  timber  interspersed.  This  was  held  by  the  enemy's 
advanced  infantry,  with  his  main  line  and  guns  on  the  plateau. 
Separating  the  gully  and  thicket  from  the  forest  toward  Mans- 
field was  an  open  field,  several  hundred  yards  wide  near  the 
road,  but  diminishing  in  width  toward  the  west.  Here  the 
Federal  commander  had  concentrated  some  eighteen  thousand, 
including  A.  J.  Smith's  force,  not  engaged  on  the  previous 
day. 

My  plan  of  attack  was  speedily  determined.  Orders  were 
sent  to  the  infantry  to  fill  canteens  at  the  mill  stream,  and  to 
the  trains  to  park  there.  Shortly  after  midday  the  infantry 
appeared,  Churchill  in  advance ;  but  a  glance  showed  that  his 
men  were  too  much  exhausted  to  attack.  They  had  marched 
forty-five  miles,  and  were  thoroughly  jaded.  "Walker's  and  Po- 
lignac's  divisions  had  been  heavily  engaged  on  the  previous  day, 
and  all  were  suffering  from  heat  and  thirst.  Accordingly,  two 
hours  were  given  to  the  troops  to  lie  down  and  rest. 

At  3  p.  m.  Churchill,  with  two  batteries  and  three  regiments 
of  horse,  was  directed  to  move  to  the  right  and  turn  the  enemy's 
left.  His  route  was  through  the  forest  for  two  miles  to  the 
road  coming  from  the  Sabine.  The  enemy's  left  outflanked, 
he  was  to  attack  from  the  south  and  west,  keeping  his  regiments 
of  horse  well  to  his  right,  and  Walker  would  attack  on  his  left. 
This  was  explained  to  Churchill,  and  Mr.  T.  J.  Williams,  for- 
merly sheriff  of  De  Soto  parish,  and  acquainted  with  every  road 
in  the  vicinity,  was  sent  with  him  as  a  guide.  On  Walker's 
left,  near  the  road  from  Mansfield,  Major  Brent  had  twelve 
guns  in  the  wood,  with  four  on  the  road,  where  were  posted 
Buchell's  and  De  Bray's  cavalry,  under  General  Bee,  and  Poli- 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  RIVER,  ETC.  167 

gnac's  division,  the  last  in  reserve.  In  the  wood  on  the  left  of 
the  road  from  Mansfield,  Major,  with  two  brigades  of  horse 
dismounted,  was  to  drive  hack  the  enemy's  skirmishers,  tnrn 
his  right,  and  gain  the  road  to  Blair's  Landing.  As  no  offen- 
sive movement  by  the  enemy  was  anticipated,  he  would  be 
turned  on  both  flanks,  subjected  to  a  concentric  fire,  and  over- 
whelmed. Though  I  had  but  twelve  thousand  five  hundred 
men  against  eighteen  thousand  in  position,  the  morale  was 
greatly  in  our  favor,  and  intelligent  execution  of  orders  was 
alone  necessary  to  insure  success. 

At  4.30  p.  m.  Churchill  was  reported  to  be  near  the  position 
whence  he  would  attack ;  and,  to  call  off  attention,  Major  Brent 
advanced  his  twelve  guns  into  the  field,  within  seven  hundred 
yards  of  the  enemy's  line,  and  opened  fire.  Soon  thereafter 
the  sound  of  Churchill's  attack  was  heard,  which  the  cheers  of 
his  men  proved  to  be  successful.  Walker  at  once  led  forward 
his  division  by  echelons  of  brigades  from  his  right,  Brent  ad- 
vanced his  guns,  and  Major  turned  the  enemy's  right  and  gained 
possession  of  the  road  to  Blair's.  Complete  victory  seemed 
assured  when  Churchill's  troops  suddenly  gave  way,  and  for  a 
time  arrested  the  advance  of  Walker  and  Major. 

The  road  from  the  Sabine  reached,  Churchill  formed  his  line 
with  the  two  Missouri  brigades,  General  Parsons  on  the  right, 
and  the  two  Arkansas,  General  Tappan,  on  the  left.  Advanc- 
ing three  fourths  of  a  mile  through  the  forest,  he  approached 
the  enemy's  line,  and  found  that  he  had  not  gained  ground 
enough  to  outflank  it.  Throwing  forward  skirmishers,  he  moved 
by  the  right  flank  until  the  Missouri  brigades  were  on  the  right 
of  the  Sabine  road,  the  regiments  of  horse  being  farther  to  the 
right.  Churchill  should  have  placed  his  whole  command  on 
the  right  of  the  Sabine  road,  and  he  would  have  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  successfully  executing  his  orders.  In  his  official  report 
he  states  "  that  had  my  [his]  line  extended  a  half  mile  more  to 
the  right,  a  brilliant  success  would  have  been  achieved  " ;  and 
he  gives  as  the  reason  for  not  so  disposing  his  force  that  he 
judged,  from  information  furnished  by  his  guides,  the  enemy's 
left  to  be  already  outflanked. 


168  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  attack  ordered,  the  Missourians  threw  themselves  on 
the  enemy,  drove  him  from  the  gully  and  thicket,  mounted  the 
plateau,  broke  an  opposing  line,  captured  and  sent  to  the  rear 
three  hundred  prisoners,  got  possession  of  two  batteries,  the 
horses  of  which  had  been  killed,  and  reached  the  village.    Here 
a  Federal  brigade,  left  by  Churchill's  error  on  his  right,  attacked 
them  in  flank  and  rear,  while  their  rapid  charge  had  put  three 
hundred  yards  between  them  and  the  Arkansas  brigades,  delayed 
by  the  gully.    The  enemy's  reserve  was  thrust  into  this  opening 
and  advanced  in  front.     Finding  themselves  assaulted  on  all 
sides,  the  Missourians  retreated  hastily,  and  in  repassing  the 
gully  and  thicket  fell  into  much  confusion.    Colonel  Hardiman, 
commanding  the  horse,  checked  the  enemy,  and  Parsons  rallied 
his  men  on  the  line  first  formed  by  Churchill.     The  Arkansas 
brigades  had  forced  the  gully  and  mounted  the  plateau  as  the 
Missourians  retreated,  whereupon  they  fell  back,  their  left  bri- 
gade (Gause's)  running  into  "Walker's  right  (Scurry's)  and  im- 
peding its  advance.     Gause  imagined  that  Scurry  had  fired  on 
him ;  but  as  his  entire  loss  in  the  action  amounted  to  but  fifteen 
killed  and  fifty-nine  wounded,  out  of  eleven  hundred  men,  there 
appears  little  ground  for  this  belief.     Churchill's  two  batteries 
followed  the  Missourians,  and  with  much  difficulty  reached  the 
plateau,  where  they  opened  an  effective  fire.    When  the  infantry 
retreated  three  carriages  broke  down  in  the  attempt  to  get 
through  the  thicket  and  fallen  timber,  and  the  guns  were  lost. 
Night  ended  the  conflict  on  this  part  of  the  field,  and  both  sides 
occupied  their  original  positions.     We  brought  off  three  hun- 
dred prisoners,  but  lost  three  guns  and  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
nine  prisoners  from  Churchill's  command.    Out  of  two  thousand 
men,  the  Missourians  lost  three  hundred  and  thirty-one  in  killed 
and  wounded,  and  the  Arkansas  brigades,  of  equal  strength,  one 
hundred  and  forty-two. 

Within  a  few  minutes  of  the  time  when  our  whole  line  be- 
came engaged,  an  officer  came  to  inform  me  that  General  Walker 
was  wounded.  Directing  Polignac  to  move  up  his  division  and 
hold  it  in  readiness,  I  left  General  Green  in  charge  of  the  center 
and  hastened  to  Walker,  whose  division  was  now  fully  engaged 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  BED  RIVER,  ETC.  169 

in  the  wood.  I  found  him  suffering  from  a  contusion  in  the 
groin,  and  ordered  him  to  retire,  which  he  unwillingly  did. 
Here  it  was  that  our  right  gave  way  in  the  manner  described. 
Scurry's  brigade  of  Walker's,  disordered  by  the  sudden  retreat 
upon  it  of  Gause,  was  heavily  pressed  by  the  enemy.  Scurry 
and  his  men  struggled  gallantly,  but  required  immediate  relief ; 
and  to  give  it,  Waul  and  Randall  on  their  left  were  ordered  to 
drive  back  the  line  fronting  them.  Never  was  order  more  thor- 
oughly executed.  Leading  on  their  fine  brigades  with  skill  and 
energy,  these  officers  forced  back  the  Federals  and  relieved 
Scurry. 

Meanwhile,  the  fire  of  Brent's  guns  had  overpowered  a  Fed- 
eral battery  posted  on  the  plateau  in  front  of  the  road  from 
Mansfield.  The  confusion  attending  the  withdrawal  of  this  bat- 
tery, coupled  with  the  fierce  attack  of  Waul  and  Randall,  led 
General  Green  to  believe  that  the  enemy  was  retreating,  and 
he  ordered  Bee  to  charge  with  his  two  regiments  of  cavalry, 
Buchell's  and  De  Bray's.  Bee  reached  the  plateau,  where  he 
was  stopped  by  a  heavy  fire  from  infantry,  in  the  wood  on  both 
sides  of  the  road.  Some  men  and  horses  went  down,  Buchell 
was  mortally  wounded,  and  Bee  and  De  Bray  slightly.  The 
charge  was  premature  and  cost  valuable  lives,  but  was  of  use  in 
moral  effect.  I  returned  to  the  road  as  Bee,  with  coolness  and 
pluck,  withdrew.  Brent  advanced  his  guns  close  up  to  the 
opposing  line,  Polignac  attacked  on  Randall's  left  with  his  re- 
duced but  stubborn  division,  and  Green  urged  on  his  dismounted 
horsemen,  cleared  the  wood  from  the  Mansfield  to  the  Blair's 
Landing  road,  and  at  nightfall  held  the  position  previously 
occupied  by  the  Federal  battery. 

Severe  fighting  continued  in  the  dense  thicket,  where  Poli- 
gnac, Randall,  Waul,  and  Scurry  were  steadily  driving  back  the 
enemy.  Approaching  twilight  obscured  the  wood,  but  resist- 
ance in  front  was  becoming  feeble,  and,  anxious  to  reach  the 
village,  I  urged  on  our  men.  As  Randall  and  Waud  gained 
ground  to  the  front,  they  became  separated  by  a  ravine  in  which 
was  concealed  a  brigade  of  Federals.  Isolated  by  the  retreat 
of  their  friends,  these  troops  attempted  to  get  out.     Fired  on 


170  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

from  both  sides  of  the  ravine,  a  part  of  them  appeared  on  the 
field  in  front  of  Brent's  guns,  to  be  driven  back  by  grape.  "With 
heavy  loss  they  at  length  succeeded  in  escaping  through  the 
thicket.  A  letter  from  the  commander  was  subsequently  cap- 
tured, wherein  he  denounces  the  conduct  of  his  superiors  who 
abandoned  him  to  his  fate.  However  true  the  allegation,  it  is 
doubtful  if  his  brigade  could  have  rendered  more  service  else- 
where. The  suddenness  of  its  appearance  stopped  our  forward 
movement,  and  a  cry  arose  that  we  were  firing  on  our  own  peo- 
ple. The  thickening  gloom  made  it  impossible  to  disabuse  the 
troops  of  this  belief,  and  I  ordered  them  to  withdraw  to  the 
open  field.  The  movement  was  made  slowly  and  in  perfect 
order,  the  men  forming  in  the  field  as  they  emerged  from  the 
thicket.  The  last  light  of  day  was  fading  as  I  rode  along  the 
line,  and  the  noise  of  battle  had  ceased. 

Churchill  came  to  report  the  result  of  his  attack,  and  seemed 
much  depressed.  I  gave  such  consolation  as  I  could,  and  di- 
rected him  to  move  his  command  to  the  mill  stream,  seven 
miles  to  the  rear,  where  he  would  find  his  trains  and  water. 
A  worthy,  gallant  gentleman,  General  Churchill,  but  not  fortu- 
nate in  war. 

The  mill  stream  was  the  nearest  water  to  be  had,  and  I  was 
compelled  to  send  the  troops  back  to  it.  The  enemy  made  no 
attempt  to  recover  the  ground  from  which  his  center  and  right 
had  been  driven.  Bee  picketed  the  field  with  his  cavalry,  his 
forage  wagons  were  ordered  up  from  the  mill  stream,  and  it  was 
hoped  that  water  for  his  two  regiments  could  be  found  in  the 
wells  and  cisterns  of  the  village.  Sounds  of  retreat  could  be 
heard  in  the  stillness  of  the  night.  Parties  were  sent  on  the 
field  to  care  for  the  wounded,  and  Bee  was  ordered  to  take  up 
the  pursuit  toward  Grand  Ecore  at  dawn,  to  be  followed  by  the 
horse  from  the  mill  stream  as  soon  as  water  and  forage  had  been 
supplied.  These  dispositions  for  the  morning  made,  worn  out 
by  fatigue  and  loss  of  sleep,  I  threw  myself  on  the  ground, 
within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  battle  field,  and  sought  rest. 
The  enemy  retreated  during  the  night,  leaving  four  hundred 
wounded,  and  his  many  dead  unburied.     On  the  morning  of 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  KIVER,  ETC.  171 

the  lOth  Bee  pursued  for  twenty  miles  before  he  overtook  his 
rear  guard,  finding  stragglers  and  burning  wagons  and  stores, 
evidences  of  haste. 

In  the  two  actions  of  Mansfield  and  Pleasant  Hill  my  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  was  twenty-two  hundred.  At  Pleasant 
Hill  we  lost  three  guns  and  four  hundred  and  twenty-six  pris- 
oners, one  hundred  and  seventy-nine  from  Churchill's,  and  two 
hundred  and  forty-seven  from  Scurry's  brigade  at  the  time  it 
was  so  nearly  overwhelmed.  The  Federal  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  exceeded  mine,  and  we  captured  twenty  guns  and 
twenty-eight  hundred  prisoners,  not  including  stragglers  picked 
up  after  the  battle.  The  enemy's  campaign  for  conquest  was 
defeated  by  an  inferior  force,  and  it  was  doubtful  if  his  army 
and  fleet  could  escape  destruction. 

These  were  creditable  results,  yet  of  much  less  importance 
than  those  that  would  have  been  accomplished  but  for  my  blun- 
der at  Pleasant  Hill.  Instead  of  intrusting  the  important  attack 
by  my  right  to  a  subordinate,  I  should  have  conducted  it  myself 
and  taken  Polignac's  division  to  sustain  it.  True,  this  would 
have  removed  my  reserve  from  the  center  and  line  of  retreat,  and 
placed  it  on  a  flank ;  but  I  was  confident  that  the  enemy  had 
no  intention  of  resuming  the  offensive,  and  should  have  acted 
on  that  conviction.  All  this  flashed  upon  me  the  instant  I 
learned  of  the  disorder  of  my  right.  Herein  lies  the  vast  dif- 
ference between  genius  and  commonplace :  one  anticipates  er- 
rors, the  other  discovers  them  too  late. 

The  foregoing  account  of  Churchill's  attack  at  Pleasant  Hill, 
hidden  from  me  by  intervening  wood,  is  taken  from  his  official 
report  and  the  reports  of  his  subordinates ;  and  I  will  now  sup- 
plement it  by  some  extracts  from  the  testimony  given  by  Gen- 
eral Francis  Fessenden  of  the  Federal  army.  On  pages  94  and 
95  of  the  second  volume  of  the  "  Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the 
"War, "  the  following  appears : 

"  In  the  afternoon  we  were  changed,  from  a  position  in  the 
woods  in  front  of  Pleasant  Hill,  to  a  position  in  rear  of  a  deep 
ditch  near  the  town.  We 'were  placed  behind  this  ditch,  in 
open  ground,  and  practically  held  the  left  of  the  front  line ;  and 


172  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

my  regiment  was  on  the  left.  I  think  it  was  not  expected  that 
an  attack  would  be  made  by  the  enemy  in  that  direction.  The 
attack  was  expected  by  the  road  which  led  in  by  the  right  cen- 
ter of  the  army.  Instead  of  that,  however,  the  enemy  came 
around  through  the  woods,  and  about  half -past  5  o'clock  drove 
in  our  skirmishers,  and  made  a  very  fierce  attack  on  the  bri- 
gade I  was  in — Colonel  Benedict's  brigade.  The  brigade  fell 
back  under  the  attack  a  great  deal  broken  up,  and  my  regiment 
was  separated  from  the  other  three  regiments  which  went  off  in 
another  direction.  I  had  fallen  back  still  further  to  the  left, 
as  I  knew  there  was  a  brigade  of  troops  in  there  to  protect  our 
left  flank  and  rear  from  attack  in  that  direction.  My  regiment 
being  the  last  of  the  brigade  to  fall  back,  the  enemy  had  already 
advanced  so  far  after  the  other  three  regiments  that  I  could  not 
fall  back  where  they  did.  I  therefore  fell  back  in  another 
direction,  rallying  my  regiment  and  forming  on  the  right  of 
the  brigade  referred  to ;  and  that  brigade,  my  regiment,  and 
another  brigade,  which  I  think  had  been  brought  up  under 
General  Emory,  made  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's  column, 
which  had  advanced  some  distance,  and  drove  them  back  with 
great  loss.  We  continued  to  advance,  and  drove  them  a  mile 
or  more,  so  completely  off  the  field  that  there  was  no  other 
attack  made  by  the  enemy  in  that  direction. 

"  That  night  we  fell  back  again,  marching  all  night  and  all 
the  next  morning,  until  we  reached  the  camping  ground  at  the 
end  of  our  first  day's  march  from  Grand  Ecore.  I  ought  to 
state  here  that  in  that  attack  of  the  enemy  on  our  left  the  bri- 
gade commander,  Colonel  Benedict,  was  killed,  and  I  then 
assumed  command  of  the  brigade.  We  remained  at  Grand 
Ecore  some  eight  or  nine  days,  where  we  built  intrenchments 
to  a  certain  extent — rifle  pits.  I  think  the  whole  army  threw 
up  a  kind  of  temporary  work  in  front." 

General  Fessenden's  statements  accord  with  the  reports  of 
Churchill  and  his  officers,  and  in  other  respects  are  accurate. 

On  page  62  of  the  volume  quoted  from,  General  A.  L. 
Lee,  commanding  mounted  division  of  Banks's  army,  tes- 
tifies : 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  BED  KIVEE,  ETC.  173 

"  The  next  morning  (9th  of  April)  I  was  ordered  by  Gen- 
eral Banks  to  detach  one  thousand  cavalry  to  act  as  scouts  and 
skirmishers,  and  to  take  the  remainder  of  my  division,  and 
take  whatever  was  left  of  the  detachment  of  the  13th  army 
corps  and  some  negro  troops  that  were  there,  and  take  the  trains 
and  the  majority  of  the  artillery  of  the  army  to  Grand  Ecore. 
It  was  thought  that  the  enemy  would  get  between  us  and  Grand 
Ecore.  I  started  about  11  o'clock  with  this  train,  and  with  six 
or  eight  batteries  of  artillery,  and  reached  Grand  Ecore  the  next 
day.  The  battle  of  the  9th  of  April  commenced  just  as  I  was 
leaving.  The  next  day  at  night  the  main  army  had  reached 
Grand  Ecore  and  joined  me  there.  General  Banks  impressed 
on  me  very  strongly  that,  in  sending  me  back  from  Pleasant 
Hill  just  as  the  fight  was  commencing,  it  was  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  save  what  material  we  had  left.  Early  the  next 
morning,  when  I  was  distant  from  Pleasant  Hill  eighteen  miles, 
I  received  a  dispatch  from  General  Banks.  I  have  not  the  dis- 
patch with  me,  but  it  was  to  this  effect :  that  they  had  whipped 
the  enemy  terribly ;  that  Price  was  killed,  also  two  or  three 
other  rebel  generals  whom  he  named,  but  who  have  since  recov- 
ered ;  and  that  I  was  to  send  back  the  subsistence  trains  for 
such  and  such  troops.  I  was  very  much  puzzled  by  that  order, 
and  immediately  sent  a  staff  officer  back  for  more  specific  in- 
structions. But  he  had  not  been  gone  more  than  half  an  hour 
when  a  staff  officer  of  General  Banks  arrived  with  an  order 
to  me,  with  which  he  had  left  in  the  night,  for  me  to  con- 
tinue pressing  on  with  the  whole  train  to  Grand  Ecore,  and 
with  instructions  if  any  wagons  broke  down  to  burn  them, 
not  stop  to  fix  anything,  but  get  everything  into  Grand  Ecore 
as  quickly  as  I  could,  and  look  out  very  carefully  on  the 
flanks" 

There  can  be  no  question  of  the  correctness  of  these  state- 
ments of  General  A.  L.  Lee. 

The  following  quotations  from  the  reports  of  Admiral  Por- 
ter to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  are  taken  from  page  239,  and 
succeeding  pages  of  the  same  volume : 


174  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

"Flag-ship  Ceicket,  Gband  Ecoee,  April  14,  1864. 

"  The  army  here  has  met  with  a  great  defeat,  no  matter  what 
the  generals  try  to  make  of  it.  With  the  defeat  has  come  de- 
moralization, and  it  will  take  some  time  to  reorganize  and  make 
up  the  deficiencies  in  killed  and  prisoners.  The  whole  affair 
has  been  seriously  mismanaged.  It  was  well  we  came  up,  for 
I  am  convinced  the  rebels  would  have  attacked  this  broken 
army  at  Grand  Ecore  had  we  not  been  here  to  cover  them.  I 
do  not  think  our  army  would  be  in  a  condition  to  resist  them. 
I  must  confess  that  I  feel  a  little  uncertain  how  to  act.  I  could 
not  leave  this  army  now  without  disgracing  myself  forever ;  and, 
when  running  a  risk  in  their  cause,  I  do  not  want  to  be  de- 
serted. One  of  my  officers  has  already  been  asked  '  If  we  would 
not  burn  our  gunboats  as  soon  as  the  army  left  ? '  speaking  as 
if  a  gunboat  was  a  very  ordinary  affair,  and  could  be  burned 
with  indifference.  I  inclose  two  notes  I  received  from  Generals 
Banks  and  Stone.  There  is  a  faint  attempt  to  make  a  victory 
out  of  this,  but  two  or  three  such  victories  would  cost  us  our 
existence." 

Again,  on  page  166  of  the  same  volume  appears  this  dis- 
patch from  Lieutenant-General  Grant,  at  Culpepper,  Yirginia,  to 
General  Halleck,  Chief  of  Staff,  at  "Washington : 

"  You  can  see  from  General  Brayman's  dispatch  to  me  some- 
thing of  General  Banks's  disaster." 

Concerning  the  battle  of  Pleasant  Hill  General  Banks  re- 
ports (page  326) : 

"  The  whole  of  the  reserves  were  now  ordered  up,  and  in 
turn  we  drove  the  enemy,  continuing  the  pursuit  until  night 
compelled  us  to  halt.  The  battle  of  the  9th  was  desperate  and 
sanguinary.  The  defeat  of  the  enemy  was  complete,  and  his 
loss  in  officers  and  men  more  than  double  that  sustained  by  our 
forces.  There  was  nothing  in  the  immediate  position  and  con- 
dition of  the  two  armies  to  prevent  a  forward  movement  the 
next  morning,  and  orders  were  given  to  prepare  for  an  advance. 
But  representations  subsequently  received  from  General  Frank- 
lin and  all  the  general  officers  of  the  19th  corps,  as  to  the  con- 


MOVEMENT  TO  THE  EED  RIVER,   ETC.  175 

dition  of  their  respective  commands  for  immediate  active  oper- 
ations against  the  enemy,  caused  a  suspension  of  this  order,  and 
a  conference  of  the  general  officers  was  held  in  the  evening,  in 
which  it  was  determined  to  retire  upon  Grand  Ecore  the  fol- 
lowing day.  The  reasons  urged  for  this  course  were :  1.  That 
the  absence  of  water  made  it  absolutely  necessary  to  advance 
or  retire  without  delay.  General  Emory's  command  had  been 
without  rations  for  two  days,  and  the  train,  which  had  been 
turned  to  the  rear  during  the  battle,  could  not  be  put  in  con- 
dition to  move  forward  upon  the  single  road  through  dense 
woods,  in  which  it  stood,  without  great  difficulty  and  much  loss 
of  time." 

Again,  on  page  13,  General  Banks  states : 

"  The  enemy  was  driven  from  the  field.  It  was  as  clear  a 
rout  as  it  was  possible  for  any  army  to  suffer.  After  consulting 
with  my  officers,  I  concluded,  against  my  own  judgment,  to 
fall  back  to  Grand  Ecore  and  reorganize.  We  held  the  field 
of  battle.  Our  dead  were  buried.  The  wounded  men  were 
brought  in  and  placed  in  the  best  hospitals  we  could  organ- 
ize, and  surgeons  were  left  with  them,  with  provisions,  medi- 
cines, and  supplies;  and  at  daybreak  we  fell  back  to  Grand 
Ecore." 

Here  the  proportion  of  fiction  to  fact  surpasses  that  of  sack 
to  bread  in  Sir  John's  tavern  bill ;  and  it  may  be  doubted  if  a 
mandarin  from  the  remotest  province  of  the  Celestial  Empire 
ever  ventured  to  send  such  a  report  to  Peking.  General  Fes- 
senden's  testimony,  given  above,  shows  that  the  army  marched 
during  the  night  of  the  9th,  and  continued  to  Grand  Ecore, 
where  it  intrenched;  and  General  A.  L.  Lee's,  that  the  main 
army  joined  him  at  that  place  on  the  evening  of  the  10th. 
Twenty  of  the  thirty-six  miles  between  Pleasant  Hill  and  Grand 
Ecore  were  passed  on  the  10th  by  my  cavalry  before  the  rear 
of  the  enemy's  column  was  seen ;  yet  General  Banks  officially 
reports  that  his  army  left  Pleasant  Hill  at  daybreak  of  the  10th. 
Homeric  must  have  been  the  laughter  of  his  troops  when  this 
report  was  published. 


CHAPTEE   XI. 


ESCAPE   OF   BANKS   AND    POETEE. 


Feom  my  resting-place  on  the  ground  at  Pleasant  Hill,  after 
the  battle  of  the  9th,  I  was  aroused  about  10  p.  m.  by  General 
Kirby  Smith,  just  arrived  from  Shreveport.  This  officer  dis- 
approved of  further  pursuit  of  Banks,  except  by  a  part  of  our 
mounted  force,  and  ordered  the  infantry  back  to  Mansfield. 
He  was  apprehensive  that  the  troops  on  the  transports  above 
would  reach  Shreveport,  or  disembark  below  me  and  that  place. 
In  addition,  Steele's  column  from  Arkansas  caused  him  much 
uneasiness,  and  made  him  unwilling  for  my  troops  to  increase 
their  distance  from  the  capital  of  the  "Trans-Mississippi  De- 
partment." It  was  pointed  out  that  the  water  in  Red  River 
was  falling,  and  navigation  becoming  more  and  more  difficult ; 
that  I  had  a  staff  officer  watching  the  progress  of  the  fleet,  which 
was  not  accompanied  by  more  than  three  thousand  men,  too 
few  to  attempt  a  landing,  and  that  they  would  certainly  hear  oi 
Banks's  defeat  and  seek  to  rejoin  him  at  Grand  Ecore.  As  to 
Steele  he  was  more  than  a  hundred  miles  distant  from  Shreve- 
port, harassed  by  Price's  force ;  he  must  learn  of  Banks's  mi* 
fortune,  and,  leading  but  a  subsidiary  column,  would  retire  to 
Little  Rock.  Banks,  with  the  remains  of  his  beaten  army,  was 
before  us,  and  the  fleet  of  Porter,  with  barely  water  enough  to 
float  upon.  "We  had  but  to  strike  vigorously  to  capture  or  de- 
stroy both.  But  it  was  written  that  the  sacrifices  of  my  little 
army  should  be  wasted,  and,  on  the  morning  of  the  10th,  I  was 
ordered  to  take  all  the  infantry  and  much  of  the  horse  to  Mans- 
field. 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER  177 

The  Bayou  Pierre,  three  hundred  feet  wide  and  too  deep  to 
ford,  leaves  the  Red  River  a  few  miles  below  Shreveport,  and 
after  a  long  course,  in  which  it  frequently  expands  into  lakes, 
returns  to  its  parent  stream  three  miles  above  Grand  Ecore, 
dividing  the  pine-clad  hills  on  the  west  from  the  alluvion  of  the 
river  on  the  east.  Several  roads  lead  from  the  interior  to  land- 
ings on  the  river,  crossing  Bayou  Pierre  by  ferries.  One  from 
Pleasant  Hill  to  Blair's  Landing,  sixteen  miles,  has  been  men- 
tioned. Another  led  from  Mansfield  to  Grand  Bayou  Landing, 
eighteen  miles.  Dispatches  from  Captain  McCloskey  informed 
me  that  the  enemy's  fleet  had  passed  this  last  place  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  9th,  pushing  slowly  up  river,  impeded  by  low  water. 
Feeling  assured  that  intelligence  of  Banks's  defeat  would  send 
the  fleet  back  to  Grand  Ecore,  and  hoping  to  cut  off  its  commu- 
cation,  at  dawn  of  the  11th  I  sent  General  Bagby,  with  a  bri- 
gade of  horse  and  a  battery,  from  Mansfield  to  Grand  Bayou 
landing.  Before  reaching  the  ferry  at  Bayou  Pierre,  he  ascer- 
tained that  the  fleet  had  turned  back  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
10th.  There  was  a  pontoon  train  at  Shreveport  that  I  had  in 
vain  asked  for,  and  Bagby  experienced  great  delay  in  crossing 
Bayou  Pierre  by  means  of  one  small  flat.  The  fleet,  descend- 
ing, passed  Grand  Bayou  Landing  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.  of  the  11th, 
some  hours  before  Bagby  reached  the  river ;  and  he  pushed  on 
toward  Blair's  Landing,  where  he  arrived  on  the  night  of  the 
12th,  after  the  close  of  Green's  operations  of  that  day. 

General  Green,  from  Pleasant  Hill,  had  been  directing  the 
movements  of  our  advanced  horse,  a  part  of  which,  under  Bee, 
was  in  front  of  Grand  Ecore  and  Natchitoches.  Advised  of 
the  movements  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  he,  with  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  horse  and  two  batteries,  left  Pleasant  Hill  for  Blair's 
Landing  at  6  o'clock  p.  m.  on  the  11th.  As  in  the  case  of  Bag- 
by, he  was  delayed  at  Bayou  Pierre,  and,  after  hard  work,  only 
succeeded  in  crossing  three  guns  and  a  part  of  his  horse  before 
the  fleet  came  down  on  the  12th.  Green  attacked  at  once,  and, 
leading  his  men  in  his  accustomed  fearless  way,  was  killed  by  a 
discharge  of  grape  from  one  of  the  gunboats.  Deprived  of 
their  leader,  the  men  soon  fell  back,  and  the  fleet  reached  Grand 
12 


178  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Ecore  without  further  molestation  from  the  west  bank.  The 
enemy's  loss,  supposed  by  our  people  to  have  been  immense, 
was  officially  reported  at  seven  on  the  gunboats  and  fifty  on  the 
transports.  Per  contra^  the  enemy  believed  that  our  loss  was 
stupendous;  whereas  we  had  scarcely  a  casualty  except  the 
death  of  General  Green,  an  irreparable  one.  No  Confederate 
went  aboard  the  fleet  and  no  Federal  came  ashore ;  so  there  was 
a  fine  field  of  slaughter  in  which  the  imagination  of  both  sides 
could  disport  itself. 

"With  facilities  for  crossing  the  Pierre  at  hand,  the  fleet, 
during  the  11th  and  12th,  would  have  been  under  the  fire  of 
two  thousand  riflemen  and  eighteen  guns  and  suffered  heavily, 
especially  the  transports,  crowded  with  troops.  As  it  was,  we 
accomplished  but  little  and  lost  General  Green. 

Like  Mouton,  this  officer  had  joined  me  at  an  early  period 
of  my  service  in  western  Louisiana.  Coming  to  me  with  the 
rank  of  colonel,  his  conspicuous  services  made  it  my  pleasant 
duty  to  recommend  him  for  promotion  to  brigadier  and  major- 
general.  Upright,  modest,  and  with  the  simplicity  of  a  child, 
danger  seemed  to  be  his  element,  and  he  rejoiced  in  combat. 
His  men  adored  him,  and  would  follow  wherever  he  led ;  but 
they  did  not  fear  him,  for,  though  he  scolded  at  them  in  action, 
he  was  too  kind-hearted  to  punish  breaches  of  discipline.  In 
truth,  he  had  no  conception  of  the  value  of  discipline  in  war, 
believing  that  all  must  be  actuated  by  his  own  devotion  to  duty. 
His  death  was  a  public  calamity,  and  mourned  as  such  by  the 
people  of  Texas  and  Louisiana.  To  me  he  was  a  tried  and  de- 
voted friend,  and  our  friendship  was  cemented  by  the  fact  that, 
through  his  Virginia  mother,  we  were  related  by  blood.  The 
great  Commonwealth,  whose  soil  contains  his  remains,  will  never 
send  forth  a  bolder  warrior,  a  better  citizen,  nor  a  more  upright 
man  than  Thomas  Green. 

The  brigade  of  horse  brought  by  General  Green  to  Louisi- 
ana, and  with  which  he  was  so  long  associated,  had  some  pecu- 
liar characteristics.  The  officers  such  as  Colonels  Hardiman, 
Baylor,  Lane,  Herbert,  McNeill,  and  others,  were  bold  and  en- 
terprising.    The  men,  hardy  frontiersmen,  excellent  riders,  and 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  POKTER.  179 

skilled  riflemen,  were  fearless  and  self-reliant,  but  discharged 
their  duty  as  they  liked  and  when  they  liked.  On  a  march  they 
wandered  about  at  will,  as  they  did  about  camp,  and  could  be 
kept  together  only  when  a  fight  was  impending.  When  their 
arms  were  injured  by  service 'or  neglect,  they  threw  them  away, 
expecting  to  be  supplied  with  others.  Yet,  with  these  faults, 
they  were  admirable  fighters,  and  in  the  end  I  became  so  much 
attached  to  them  as  to  be  incapable  of  punishing  them. 

After  the  affair  at  Blair's  Landing  on  the  12th,  the  horse  re- 
turned to  Pleasant  Hill,  and  thence  joined  Bee  in  front  of 
Grand  Ecore,  where  Banks  had  his  army  concentrated  behind 
works,  with  gunboats  and  transports  in  the  river,  Bee  occupying 
the  town  of  Natchitoches,  four  miles  away.     On  the  morning 
of  the  13th  General  Kirby  Smith  visited  me  at  Mansfield.     Be- 
lieved of  apprehension  about  the  fleet,  now  at  Grand  Ecore,  he 
expressed  great  anxiety  for  the  destruction  of  Steele's  column. 
I  was  confident  that  Steele,  who  had  less  than  ten  thousand 
men  and  was  more  than  a  hundred  miles  distant  from  Shreve- 
port,  would  hear  of  Banks's  disaster  and  retreat ;  but  General 
Kirby  Smith's  views  differed  from  mine.     I  then  expressed  my 
willingness  to  march,  with  the  main  body  of  the  infantry,  to 
join  Price  in  Arkansas,  and  serve  under  his  command  until 
Steele's  column  was  destroyed  or  driven  back ;  insisting,  how- 
ever, that  in  the  event  of  Steele's  retreat  I  should  be  permitted 
to  turn  on  Banks  and  Porter,  to  complete  the  work  of  Mansfield 
and  Pleasant  Hill.     The  destruction  of  the  Federal  army  and 
capture  of  the  fleet,  helpless  alone  by  reason  of  low  and  falling 
water  in  Bed  Biver,  were  the  legitimate  fruits  of  those  victo- 
ries, and  I  protested  with  all  possible  earnestness  against  a  pol- 
icy that  would  fail  to  reap  them.     After  this  conversation  Gen- 
eral Kirby  Smith  returned  to  Shreveport,  leaving  me  under  the 
impression  that  my  last  proposition  was  acceded  to.     The  loss 
of  valuable  time  incurred  by  a  wild-goose  chase  after  Steele 
was  most  annoying,  but  I  was  hopeful  it  might  be  recovered. 
To  get  the  fleet  down  to  Alexandria  and  over  the  falls  at  that 
place  would  require  much  time  in  the  low  condition  of  the 
water ;  and  Banks's  army  was  so  much  demoralized  by  defeat 


180  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

that  Bee  found  no  difficulty  in  restraining  its  movements  with 
his  horse. 

At  dawn  of  the  14th  "Walker's  and  Churchill's  divisions  of 
infantry,  with  their  artillery,  prepared  for  an  active  campaign, 
marched  for  Shreveport,  forty  miles.  The  same  day  Polignac's 
infantry  division,  reduced  to  some  twelve  hundred  muskets,  was 
sent  toward  Grand  Ecore  to  strengthen  the  horse  in  front  of  the 
enemy.  On  the  evening  of  the  15th  I  reached  Shreveport,  and 
had  a  short  interview  with  General  Kirby  Smith,  who  informed 
me  that  Steele  had  begun  his  retreat  from  a  point  a  hundred  and 
ten  miles  distant,  but  that  he  hoped  to  overtake  him,  and  would 
personally  direct  the  pursuit.  I  was  further  informed  that  my 
presence  with  the  troops  was  not  desired,  and  that  I  would  re- 
main in  nominal  command  of  Shreveport,  but  might  join  the 
force  near  Grand  Ecore  if  I  thought  proper.  All  this  with  the 
curt  manner  of  a  superior  to  a  subordinate,  as  if  fearing  remon- 
strance. General  Kirby  Smith  marched  north  of  Shreveport 
on  the  16th,  and  three  days  thereafter  I  received  a  dispatch 
from  his  "  chief  of  staff "  informing  me  that  the  pontoon  train, 
asked  for  in  vain  when  it  would  have  been  of  priceless  value, 
would  be  sent  back  from  his  army  and  placed  at  my  disposition. 
Doubtless  General  Kirby  Smith  thought  that  a  pontoon  train 
would  supply  the  place  of  seven  thousand  infantry  and  six  bat- 
teries. 

I  remained  at  Shreveport  three  days,  occupied  with  reports 
and  sending  supplies  to  my  little  force  near  Grand  Ecore,  to- 
ward which  I  proceeded  on  the  19th  of  April.  Major-General 
"Wharton,  who  had  gained  reputation  as  a  cavalry  officer  in  the 
Confederate  Army  of  Tennessee,  accompanied  me.  He  had 
reported  for  duty  at  Shreveport  on  the  18th,  and  was  assigned 
to  the  command  of  the  horse  to  replace  the  lamented  Green. 
We  reached  Polignac's  camp,  in  the  vicinity  of  Grand  Ecore, 
ninety  odd  miles  from  Shreveport,  on  the  evening  of  the  21st, 
and  learned  that  the  enemy  had  threatened  an  advance  during 
the  day.  This  convinced  me  of  his  intention  to  retreat,  and  an 
officer  was  sent  to  General  Bee  to  warn  him. 

Cane  River  leaves  the  main  channel  of  the  Red  below  Grand 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  181 

Ecore,  and,  passing  by  Natchitoches,  returns  to  the  Red  after  a 
winding  course  of  sixty  miles.  Except  at  the  season  of  floods, 
it  is  not  navigable ;  but  the  alluvion  through  which  it  flows  is 
very  productive,  while  the  pine  forest  immediately  to  the  west 
is  sterile.  Bee,  under  instructions,  occupied  the  valley  of  Cane 
River  with  his  horse,  and  had  been  ordered  to  keep  his  pickets 
close  to  Grand  Ecore  and  Natchitoches,  draw  his  forage  from 
plantations  along  the  river,  and,  when  the  enemy  retreated 
toward  Alexandria,  fall  back  before  him  to  Monette's  Ferry, 
which  he  was  expected  to  hold.  Monette's  Ferry,  forty  miles  be- 
low Natchitoches,  was  on  the  only  practicable  road  to  Alexandria. 
Here  the  river  made  a  wide,  deep  ford,  and  pine-clad  hills  rose 
abruptly  from  the  southern  bank.  On  the  left,  looking  toward 
Natchitoches,  were  hills  and  impassable  lakes,  easily  held  against 
any  force.  On  the  right,  hills,  rugged  and  pine-clad,  extended 
eight  miles  to  the  point  at  which  Cane  River  reenters  the  Red. 
The  distance  from  Monette's  to  Alexandria  is  thirty-five  miles, 
of  which  fourteen  is  through  wooded  hills.  Roads  led  west  to 
Carroll  Jones's  and  Beaseley's,  twelve  and  thirty  miles  respec- 
tively ;  and  on  these  roads  Bee  was  directed  to  keep  his  trains. 

Concerning  the  position  at  Monette's  General  Banks  reports : 
"  The  army  marched  from  Grand  Ecore  on  the  morning  of  the 
22d  of  April.  To  prevent  the  occupation  of  Monette's  Bluff,  on 
Cane  River,  a  strong  position  commanding  the  only  road  lead- 
ing across  the  river  to  Alexandria,  or  to  prevent  the  concentra- 
tion of  the  enemy's  forces  at  that  point,  it  became  necessary  to 
accomplish  the  evacuation  without  his  knowledge."  As  before 
stated,  the  threatened  advance  of  the  21st  convinced  me  that  the 
enemy's  retreat  was  imminent,  and  so  I  advised  Bee ;  but  there 
was  not  time  to  send  General  Wharton  to  him  after  I  reached 
Polignac's  camp.  Bee  had  two  thousand  horse  and  four  bat- 
teries, and,  after  several  days  to  examine  and  prepare  his  ground, 
might  well  be  expected  to  hold  it  with  tenacity. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Pleasant  Hill  I  had  sent 
Vincent,  with  his  own  and  Bush's  regiments  of  Louisiana  horse, 
to  threaten  Alexandria  and  drive  out  small  parties  of  the  enemy 
from  the  Attakapas  and  Teche  regions.     Subsequently,  a  bri- 


182  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

gade  of  Texas  horse,  seven  hundred  strong,  under  Brigadier 
"William  Steele,  joined  me,  and  was  now  with  Polignac. 

As  anticipated,  the  enemy  left  Grand  Ecore  during  the 
night  of  the  21fct  and  marched  without  halting  to  Cloutierville, 
thirty-two  miles.  With  Steele's  brigade,  "Wharton  drove  his 
rear  guard  from  Natchitoches  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  cap- 
turing some  prisoners,  and  continued  the  pursuit  to  the  twenty- 
four-mile  ferry.  On  the  23d,  after  a  sharp  action,  he  pushed 
the  enemy's  rear  below  Cloutierville,  taking  some  score  of  pris- 
oners. Polignac's  infantry  joined  that  evening,  and  covered  a 
road  leading  through  the  hills  from  Cloutierville  to  Beaseley's. 
If  Bee  stood  firm  at  Monette's,  we  were  in  position  to  make 
Banks  unhappy  on  the  morrow,  separated  as  he  was  from  the 
fleet,  on  which  he  relied  to  aid  his  demoralized  forces.  But  Bee 
gave  way  on  the  afternoon  of  the  23d,  permitting  his  strong 
position  to  be  forced  at  the  small  cost  to  the  enemy  of  less  than 
four  hundred  men,  and  suffering  no  loss  himself.  Then,  instead 
of  attacking  the  great  trains,  during  their  fourteen  miles'  march 
through  the  forest,  and  occupying  with  artillery  McNutt's  Hill, 
a  high  bluff  twenty  miles  from  Alexandria  and  commanding  the 
road  thither  in  the  valley,  he  fell  back  at  once  to  Beaseley's, 
thirty  miles.  Before  this  mistake  could  be  rectified,  the  enemy 
crossed  at  Monette's,  burning  many  wagons  at  the  ford,  and 
passed  below  McNutt's  Hill.  General  Bee  had  exhibited 
much  personal  gallantry  in  the  charge  at  Pleasant  Hill,  but  he 
was  without  experience  in  war,  and  had  neglected  to  study  the 
ground  or  strengthen  his  position  at  Monette's.  Leaving  Mans- 
field for  Shreveport  on  the  15th,  under  orders  from  General 
Kirby  Smith,  I  only  got  back  to  the  front  on  the  night  of  the 
21st,  too  late  to  reach  Monette's  or  send  Wharton  there. 

It  was  very  disheartening,  but,  persuaded  that  the  enemy 
could  not  pass  the  falls  at  Alexandria  with  his  fleet,  I  deter- 
mined to  stick  to  him  with  my  little  force  of  less  than  forty-five 
hundred  of  all  arms.  It  was  impossible  to  believe  that  General 
Kirby  Smith  would  continue  to  persist  in  his  inexplicable  policj7, 
and  fail  to  come,  ere  long,  to  my  assistance. 

On  the  26th  Bee's  horse,  from  Beaseley's,  joined  Steele's  at 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  183 

MeNutt's  Hill ;  and  together,  under  Wharton,  they  attacked  the 
enemy  in  the  valley  and  drove  him,  with  loss  of  killed  and  pris- 
oners, to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Alexandria. 

"When  General  Banks  retreated  so  hastily  from  Grand  Ecore, 
Admiral  Porter  was  laboring  to  get  his  fleet  down  to  Alexan- 
dria. In  a  communication  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  from 
his  flag-ship  below  Grand  Ecore,  he  says  ("  Report  on  the  Con- 
duct of  the  War,"  vol.  ii.,  pages  234-5)  : 

"  I  soon  saw  that  the  army  would  go  to  Alexandria  again, 
and  we  would  be  left  above  the  bars  in  a  helpless  condition. 
The  vessels  are  mostly  at  Alexandria,  above  the  falls,  excepting 
this  one  and  two  others  I  kept  to  protect  the  Eastport.  The 
Red  River  is  falling  at  the  rate  of  two  inches  a  day.  If  Gen- 
eral Banks  should  determine  to  evacuate  this  country,  the  gun- 
boats will  be  cut  off  from  all  communication  with  the  Mississippi. 
It  cannot  be  possible  that  the  country  would  be  willing  to  have 
eight  iron-clads,  three  or  four  other  gunboats,  and  many  trans- 
ports sacrificed  without  an  effort  to  save  them.  It  would  be  the 
worst  thing  that  has  happened  this  war." 

The  Eastport,  the  most  formidable  iron-clad  of  the  Mississippi 
squadron,  grounded  on  a  bar  below  Grand  Ecore.  Three  tin- 
clad  gunboats  and  two  transports  remained  near  to  assist  in  get- 
ting her  off ;  and,  to  prevent  this,  some  mounted  riflemen  were 
sent,  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  to  cooperate  with  Liddel's 
raw  levies  on  the  north  bank  of  the  river.  These  forced  the 
enemy  to  destroy  the  Eastport,  and  drove  away  the  gunboats 
and  transports.  Our  loss  in  the  affair  was  two  killed  and  four 
wounded.  Meantime,  to  intercept  the  gunboats  and  transports 
on  their  way  down,  Colonel  Caudle  of  Polignac's  division,  with 
two  hundred  riflemen  and  Cornay's  four-gun  battery,  had  been 
posted  at  the  junction  of  Cane  and  Red  Rivers,  twenty  miles 
below.  At  6  o'clock  p.  m.  of  the  26th  the  leading  gunboat  and 
one  transport  came  down.  Our  fire  speedily  crippled  and 
silenced  the  gunboat,  and  a  shot  exploded  the  boiler  of  the 
transport.  Under  cover  of  escaping  steam  the  gunboat  drifted 
out  of  fire,  but  the  loss  of  life  on  the  transport  was  fearful. 
One  hundred  dead  and  eighty-seven  severely  scalded,  most  of 


184  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

whom  subsequently  died,  were  brought  on  shore.  These  unfor- 
tunate creatures  were  negroes,  taken  from  plantations  on  the 
river  above.  The  object  of  the  Federals  was  to  remove  negroes 
from  their  owners ;  but  for  the  lives  of  these  poor  people  the j 
cared  nothing,  or,  assuredly,  they  would  not  have  forced  them, 
on  an  unprotected  river  steamer,  to  pass  riflemen  and  artillery, 
against  which  gunboats  were  powerless.  On  the  following  day, 
the  27th,  the  two  remaining  gunboats  and  transport  attempted 
to  pass  Caudle's  position ;  and  the  former,  much  cut  up,  suc- 
ceeded, but  the  transport  was  captured.  Colonel  Caudle  had 
one  man  wounded,  and  the  battery  one  killed — its  commander, 
Captain  Cornay,  who,  with  Mouton,  Armand,  and  many  other 
Creoles,  proved  by  distinguished  gallantry  that  the  fighting 
qualities  of  the  old  French  breed  had  suffered  no  deterioration 
on  the  soil  of  Louisiana. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  report  of  Admiral  Porter 
well  exhibit  the  efficiency  of  Caudle  and  Cornay  in  this  affair : 

"Flag-ship  Ckicket,  off  Alexandbia,  April  28, 1864. 

"  When  rounding  the  point,  the  vessels  in  close  order  and 
ready  for  action,  we  descried  a  party  of  the  enemy  with  artillery 
on  the  right  bank,  and  we  immediately  opened  fire  with  our  bow 
guns.  The  enemy  immediately  returned  it  with  a  large  number 
of  cannon,  eighteen  in  all,  every  shot  of  which  struck  this  vessel. 
The  captain  gave  orders  to  stop  the  engines.  I  corrected  this 
mistake,  and  got  headway  on  the  vessel  again,  but  not  soon 
enough  to  avoid  the  pelting  showers  of  shot  and  shell  which  the 
enemy  poured  into  us,  every  shot  going  through  and  through 
us,  clearing  all  our  decks  in  a  moment.  I  took  charge  of  the 
vessel,  and,  as  the  battery  was  a  very  heavy  one,  I  determined  to 
pass  it,  which  was  done  under  the  heaviest  fire  I  ever  witnessed. 
Seeing  that  the  Hindman  did  not  pass  the  batteries,  the  Juliet 
disabled,  and  that  one  of  the  pump  boats  (transport)  had  her 
boiler  exploded  by  a  shot,  I  ran  down  to  a  point  three  or  four 
miles  below.  Lieutenant-Commander  Phelps  had  two  vessels 
in  charge,  the  Juliet  and  Champion  (transport),  which  he  wished 
to  get  through  safely.    He  kept  them  out  of  range  until  he 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  185 

could  partially  repair  the  Juliet,  and  then,  starting  under  a  heavy 
fire,  he  make  a  push  by.  Unfortunately  the  pump  boat  (Cham- 
pion) was  disabled  and  set  fire  to.  The  Hindman  had  her  wheel 
ropes  cut  away,  and  drifted  past,  turning  round  and  round,  and 
getting  well  cut  up  in  going  by.  The  Juliet  was  cut  to  pieces 
in  hull  and  machinery ;  had  fifteen  killed  and  wounded.  I  in- 
close the  report  of  Lieutenant-Commander  Phelps,  from  the 
time  of  his  first  misfortune  until  his  arrival  at  this  place  (Alex- 
andria), where  I  now  am  with  all  the  fleet,  but  very  much  sur- 
prised that  I  have  any  left,  considering  all  the  difficulties  en- 
countered. I  came  up  here  with  the  river  on  the  rise,  and  water 
enough  for  our  largest  vessels ;  and  even  on  my  way  up  to 
Shreveport  from  Grand  Ecore  the  water  rose,  while  it  com- 
menced falling  where  I  left  the  largest  gunboats.  Tailing  or 
not,  I  could  not  go  back  while  in  charge  of  the  transports  and 
material  on  which  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  depended" 

This  is  high  testimony  to  the  fighting  capacity  of  two  hun- 
dred riflemen  and  four  guns,  two  twelve-pounder  smooth-bores 
and  two  howitzers,  all  that  Admiral  Porter's  three  gunboats  had 
to  contend  with.  It  proves  the  utter  helplessness  of  gunboats  in 
narrow  streams,  when  deprived  of  the  protection  of  troops  on 
the  banks.  Even  the  iron-clads,  with  armor  impenetrable  by 
field  guns,  were  readily  driven  off  by  sharpshooters,  who,  under 
cover,  closed  their  ports  or  killed  every  exposed  man. 

On  the  24th  Liddel,  from  the  north  bank  of  Red  River, 
dashed  into  Pineville,  opposite  Alexandria,  killed  and  captured 
a  score  of  the  enemy's  party,  and  drove  the  remainder  over  the 
river. 

On  the  27th  Admiral  Porter's  fleet  was  lying  above  the  falls, 
now  impassable,  and  Banks's  army,  over  twenty  thousand  strong, 
was  in  and  around  Alexandria  behind  earthworks.  Such  was 
the  condition  to  which  this  large  force  had  been  reduced  by  re- 
peated defeat,  that  we  not  only  confined  it  to  its  works,  driving 
back  many  attacks  on  our  advanced  positions,  but  I  felt  justified 
in  dividing  my  little  command  in  order  to  blockade  the  river 
below,  and  cut  off  communication  with  the  Mississippi.     Whar- 


186  DESTRUCTION"  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ton's  horse  was  divided  into  three  parts,  each  a  thousand  strong, 
and  accompanied  by  artillery.  The  first,  under  Steele,  held  the 
river  and  Rapides  roads,  above  and  west  of  Alexandria;  the 
second,  under  Bagby,  the  Boeuf  road  to  the  south  of  that  place ; 
while  Major,  with  the  third,  was  sent  to  Davide's  Ferry,  on  the 
river,  twenty-five  miles  below.  Polignac's  infantry,  twelve 
hundred  muskets,  was  posted  on  the  Boeuf  within  supporting 
distance  of  the  two  last.  Liddel's  seven  hundred  newly-organ- 
ized horse,  with  four  guns,  was  of  little  service  beyond  making 
feints  to  distract  the  enemy. 

Major  reached  his  position  on  the  30th,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing day,  the  1st  of  May,  captured  and  sunk  the  transport  Emma. 
On  the  3d  he  captured  the  transport  City  Belle,  on  her  way  up 
to  Alexandria,  with  the  120th  Ohio  regiment  on  board.  All 
the  officers  and  two  hundred  and  seventy-six  men  were  taken, 
with  many  killed  and  wounded.  On  the  evening  of  the  4th 
the  gunboats  Covington  and  Signal,  each  mounting  eight  heavy 
guns,  with  the  transport  "Warner,  attempted  to  pass.  The  Cov- 
ington was  blown  up  by  her  crew  to  escape  capture,  but  the 
Signal  and  Warner  surrendered.  Four  guns,  two  three-inch 
rifled  and  two  howitzers,  were  engaged  in  this  action  with  the 
Covington  and  Signal.  They  were  run  up  to  the  river's  bank 
by  hand,  the  howitzers  above,  the  three-inch  rifles  below  the 
gunboats,  which,  overpowered  by  the  rapid  fire,  moved  back 
and  forth  until  one  surrendered  and  the  other  was  destroyed, 
affording  a  complete  illustration  of  the  superiority  of  field  guns 
to  gunboats  in  narrow  streams.  There  was  no  further  attempt 
to  pass  Major's  position,  and  Federal  communication  with  the 
Mississippi  was  closed  for  fifteen  days. 

During  these  operations  the  enemy  was  engaged  night  and 
day  in  the  construction  of  a  dam  across  the  Red  River,  to  enable 
him  to  pass  his  fleet  over  the  falls ;  and  the  following  extracts 
from  the  report  of  Admiral  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Kavy 
well  exhibit  the  condition  of  affairs  in  and  around  Alexandria 
("  Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,"  vol.  ii.,  page  250) : 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  187 

"Flag-ship  Ceicket,  Alexandeia,  April  28,  1864. 
"  Sie  :  I  have  written  you  an  account  of  the  operations  of  the 
fleet  in  these  waters,  but  take  the  liberty  of  writing  to  you  con- 
fidentially the  true  state  of  affairs.  I  find  myself  blockaded  by 
a  fall  of  three  feet  of  water,  three  feet  four  inches  being  the 
amount  now  on  the  falls.  Seven  feet  being  required  to  get 
over,  no  amount  of  lightening  will  accomplish  the  object.  I  have 
already  written  to  you  how  the  whole  state  of  things  has  been 
changed  by  a  too  blind  carelessness  on  the  part  of  our  military 
leader,  and  our  retreat  back  to  Alexandria  from  place  to  place 
has  so  demoralized  General  Banks's  army  that  the  troops  have 
no  confidence  in  anybody  or  anything.  Our  army  is  now  all 
here,  with  the  best  general  (Franklin)  wounded  and  unfit  for 
duty  in  the  field.  General  Banks  seems  to  hold  no  communi- 
cation with  any  one,  and  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  say  what  he 
will  do.  I  have  no  confidence  in  his  promises,  as  he  asserted  in 
a  letter,  herein  inclosed,  that  he  had  no  intention  of  leaving 
Grand  Ecore,  when  he  had  actually  already  made  all  his  prepa- 
rations to  leave.  The  river  is  crowded  with  transports,  and 
every  gunboat  I  have  is  required  to  convoy  them.  I  have  to 
withdraw  many  light-draughts  from  other  points  on  the  Missis- 
sippi to  supply  demands  here.  In  the  mean  time  the  enemy 
are  splitting  up  into  parties  of  two  thousand,  and  bringing  in 
the  artillery  (with  which  we  have  supplied  them)  to  blockade 
points  below  here ;  and  what  will  be  the  upshot  of  it  all  I  can 
not  foretell.  I  know  that  it  will  be  disastrous  in  the  extreme, 
for  this  is  a  country  in  which  a  retreating  army  is  completely  at 
the  mercy  of  an  enemy.  Notwithstanding  that  the  rebels  are 
reported  as  coming  in  from  Washita,  with  heavy  artillery  to 
plant  on  the  hills  opposite  Alexandria,  no  movement  is  being 
made  to  occupy  the  position,  and  I  am  in  momentary  expecta- 
tion of  hearing  the  rebel  guns  open  on  the  transports  on  the 
town  side ;  or  if  they  go  down  or  come  up  the  river,  it  will 
be  at  the  risk  of  destruction.  Our  light-clads  can  do  nothing 
against  hill  batteries.  I  am  in  momentary  expectation  of  seeing 
this  army  retreat,  when  the  result  will  be  disastrous.  Unless 
instructed  by  the  Government,  I  do  not  think  that  General 


188  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Banks  will  make  the  least  effort  to  save  the  navy  here.  The 
following  vessels  are  above  the  falls  and  command  the  right  of 
the  town :  Mound  City,  Louisville,  Pittsburgh,  Carondelet,  Chil- 
licothe,  Osage,  Neosho,  Ozark,  Lexington,  and  Fort  Hindman. 
At  this  moment  the  enemy  have  attacked  our  outposts,  and 
driven  in  our  indifferent  cavalry,  which  came  up  numbering 
six  thousand,  and  have  brought  nothing  but  calamity  in  their 
train.  Our  whole  army  is  cooped  up  in  this  town,  while  a  much 
inferior  force  is  going  rampant  about  the  country,  making  prepa- 
rations to  assail  our  helpless  transports,  which,  if  caught  filled 
with  men,  would  be  perfect  slaughter-houses.  Quick  remedies 
are  required,  and  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  lay  the  true  state  of 
affairs  before  you.  If  left  here  by  the  army,  I  will  be  obliged 
to  destroy  this  fleet  to  prevent  it  f ailing  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
I  can  not  conceive  that  the  nation  will  permit  such  a  sacrifice  to 
be  made,  when  men  and  money  can  prevent  it.  "We  have  fought 
hard  for  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi,  and  have  reduced  the  na- 
val forces  of  the  rebels  in  this  quarter  to  two  vessels.  If  we  have 
to  destroy  what  we  have  here,  there  will  be  material  enough  to 
build  half  a  dozen  iron-clads,  and  the  Red  River,  which  is  now 
of  no  further  dread  to  us,  will  require  half  the  Mississippi  squad- 
ron to  watch  it.  I  am  apprehensive  that  the  turrets  of  the 
monitors  will  defy  any  efforts  we  can  make  to  destroy  them. 
Our  prestige  will  receive  a  shock  from  which  it  will  be  long  in 
recovering ;  and  if  the  calamities  I  dread  should  overtake  us, 
the  annals  of  this  war  will  not  present  so  dire  a  one  as  will  have 
befallen  us." 

Thus  Admiral  Porter,  who  even  understates  the  facts. 

In  vain  had  all  this  been  pointed  out  to  General  Kirby 
Smith,  when  he  came  to  me  at  Pleasant  Hill  in  the  night  after 
the  battle.  Granted  that  he  was  alarmed  for  Shreveport,  sacred 
to  him  and  his  huge  staff  as  Benares,  dwelling-place  of  many 
gods,  to  the  Hindoo ;  yet,  when  he  marched  from  that  place  on 
the  16th  of  April  against  Steele,  the  latter,  already  discomfited 
by  Price's  horse,  was  retreating,  and,  with  less  than  a  third  of 
Banks's  force  at  Grand  Ecore,  was  then  further  from  Shreve- 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTEE.  189 

port  than  was  Banks.  To  pursue  a  retreating  foe,  numbering 
six  thousand  men,  he  took  over  seven  thousand  infantry,  and 
left  me  twelve  hundred  to  operate  against  twenty  odd  thousand 
and  a  powerful  fleet.  From  the  evening  of  the  21st  of  April, 
when  I  returned  to  the  front  near  Grand  Ecore,  to  the  13th  of 
May,  the  day  on  which  Porter  and  Banks  escaped  from  Alex- 
andria, I  kept  him  advised  of  the  enemy's  movements  and  con- 
dition. Couriers  and  staff  officers  were  sent  to  implore  him  to 
return  and  reap  the  fruits  of  Mansfield  and  Pleasant  Hill,  whose 
price  had  been  paid  in  blood.  Not  a  man  was  sent  me ;  even 
the  four-gun  battery  with  Liddell  on  the  north  of  the  river  was, 
without  my  knowledge,  withdrawn  toward  Arkansas.  From 
first  to  last,  General  Kirby  Smith  seemed  determined  to  throw 
a  protecting  shield  around  the  Federal  army  and  fleet. 

In  all  the  ages  since  the  establishment  of  the  Assyrian  mon- 
archy no  commander  has  possessed  equal  power  to  destroy  a 
cause.  Far  away  from  the  great  centers  of  conflict  in  Virginia 
and  Georgia,  on  a  remote  theatre,  the  opportunity  of  striking  a . 
blow  decisive  of  the  war  was  afforded.  An  army  that  included 
the  strength  of  every  garrison  from  Memphis  to  the  Gulf  had 
been  routed,  and,  by  the  incompetency  of  its  commander,  was 
utterly  demoralized  and  ripe  for  destruction.  But  this  army 
was  permitted  to  escape,  and  its  19th  corps  reached  Chesapeake 
Bay  in  time  to  save  Washington  from  General  Early's  attack, 
while  the  13th,  16th,  and  17th  corps  reenforced  Sherman  in 
Georgia.  More  than  all,  we  lost  Porter's  fleet,  which  the  fall- 
ing river  had  delivered  into  our  hands ;  for  the  protection  of  an 
army  was  necessary  to  its  liberation,  as  without  the  army  a  dam 
at  the  falls  could  not  have  been  constructed.  "With  this  fleet, 
or  even  a  portion  of  it,  we  would  have  at  once  recovered  pos- 
session of  the  Mississippi,  from  the  Ohio  to  the  sea,  and  undone 
all  the  work  of  the  Federals  since  the  winter  of  1861.  Instead 
of  Sherman,  Johnston  would  have  been  reenforced  from  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  thousands  of  absent  men,  with  fresh 
hope,  would  have  rejoined  Lee.  The  Southern  people  might 
have  been  spared  the  humiliation  of  defeat,  and  the  countless 
woes  and  wrongs  inflicted  on  them  by  their  conquerors. 


190  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

It  was  for  this  that  Green  and  Mouton  and  other  gallant 
spirits  fell !  It  was  for  this  that  the  men  of  Missouri  and  Ar- 
kansas made  a  forced  march  to  die  at  Pleasant  Hill !  It  was 
for  this  that  the  divisions  of  Walker  and  Polignac  had  held 
every  position  intrusted  to  them,  carried  every  position  in  their 
front,  and  displayed  a  constancy  and  valor  worthy  of  the  Guards 
at  Inkermann  or  Lee's  veterans  in  the  Wilderness !  For  this, 
too,  did  the  handful  left,  after  our  brethren  had  been  taken 
from  us,  follow  hard  on  the  enemy,  attack  him  constantly  at 
any  odds,  beat  off  and  sink  his  gunboats,  close  the  Red  River 
below  him  and  shut  up  his  army  in  Alexandria  for  fifteen 
days  !  Like  "  Sister  Ann  "  from  her  watch  tower,  day  after 
day  we  strained  our  eyes  to  see  the  dust  of  our  approaching 
comrades  arise  from  the  north  bank  of  the  Red.  Not  a  camp 
follower  among  us  but  knew  that  the  arrival  of  our  men  from 
the  North  would  give  us  the  great  prize  in  sight.  Yain,  in- 
deed, were  our  hopes.  The  commander  of  the  "  Trans-Missis- 
sippi Department "  had  the  power  to  destroy  the  last  hope  of 
the  Confederate  cause,  and  exercised  it  with  all  the  success  of 
Bazaine  at  Metz. 

"  The  affairs  of  mice  and  men  aft  gang  aglee,"  from  sheer 
stupidity  and  pig-headed  obstinacy.  General  Kirby  Smith  had 
publicly  announced  that  Banks's  army  was  too  strong  to  be 
fought,  and  that  the  proper  policy  was  either  to  defend  the 
works  protecting  Shreveport,  or  retreat  into  Texas.  People  do 
not  like  to  lose  their  reputations  as  prophets  or  sons  of  prophets. 
Subsequently,  it  was  given  out  that  General  Kirby  Smith  had  a 
wonderful  plan  for  the  destruction  of  the  enemy,  which  I  had 
disturbed  by  rashly  beating  his  army  at  Mansfield  and  Pleasant 
Hill ;  but  this  plan,  like  Trochu's  for  the  defense  of  Paris,  was 
never  disclosed — undoubtedly,  because  c'etait  le  secret  de  Poli- 
chinelle. 

After  many  days  of  energetic  labor,  the  enemy  on  the  13th 
of  May  succeeded  in  passing  his  fleet  over  the  falls  at  Alexan- 
dria, evacuated  the  place,  and  retreated  down  the  river,  the 
army,  on  the  south  bank,  keeping  pace  with  the  fleet.  Admiral 
Porter,  in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  gives  a 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  191 

graphic  account  of  the  passage  of  the  falls,  and  under  date  of 
May  19th,  says :  "  In  my  report  in  relation  to  the  release  of  the 
gunboats  from  their  unpleasant  position  above  the  falls,  I  did 
not  think  it  prudent  to  mention  that  I  was  obliged  to  destroy 
eleven  thirty-two-pounders,  not  having  time  to  haul  them  from 
above  the  falls  to  Alexandria,  the  army  having  moved  and 
drawn  in  all  their  pickets.  For  the  same  reason  I  also  omitted 
to  mention  that  I  was  obliged  to  take  off  the  iron  from  the 
sides  of  the  Pook  gunboats  and  from  the  Ozark,  to  enable  them 
to  get  over." 

To  harass  the  retreat,  the  horse  and  artillery,  on  the  river 
above  Alexandria,  were  directed  to  press  the  enemy's  rear,  and 
the  remaining  horse  and  Polignac's  infantry  to  intercept  his 
route  at  Avoyelles  Prairie.  During  the  14th,  15th,  and  16th 
he  was  constantly  attacked  in  front,  rear,  and  right  flank ;  and 
on  the  17th  Wharton  charged  his  rear  near  Mansura,  capturing 
many  prisoners,  while  Colonel  Yager,  with  two  regiments  of 
horse,  cut  in  on  the  wagon  train  at  Yellow  Bayou,  killed  and 
drove  off  the  guard,  and  destroyed  much  property.  Meanwhile 
Liddell,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Bed,  followed  the  fleet  and 
kept  up  a  constant  fire  on  the  transports.  But  for  the  unfor- 
tunate withdrawal  of  his  battery,  before  alluded  to,  he  could 
have  destroyed  many  of  these  vessels.  On  the  18th  we  attacked 
the  enemy  at  Yellow  Bayou,  near  Simmsport,  and  a  severe  en- 
gagement ensued,  lasting  until  night.  We  held  the  field,  on 
which  the  enemy  left  his  dead,  but  our  loss  was  heavy,  four 
hundred  and  fifty-two  in  killed  and  wounded ;  among  the  for- 
mer, Colonel  Stone,  commanding  Polignac's  old  brigade.  Po- 
lignac,  in  charge  of  division,  was  conspicuous  in  this  action. 
The  following  day,  May  19,  1864,  the  enemy  crossed  the 
Atchafalaya  and  was  beyond  our  reach.  Here,  at  the  place 
where  it  had  opened  more  than  two  months  before,  the  cam- 
paign closed. 

The  army  I  had  the  honor  to  command  in  this  campaign 
numbered,  at  its  greatest  strength,  about  thirteen  thousand  of 
all  arms,  including  Liddell's  force  on  the  north  bank  of  Red 
River ;  but  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Pleasant  Hill  it  was 


192  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

reduced  to  fifty-two  hundred  by  the  withdrawal  of  Walker's 
and  Churchill's  divisions.  Many  of  the  troops  marched  quite 
four  hundred  miles,  and  from  the  5th  of  April  to  the  18th  of 
May  not  a  day  passed  without  some  engagement  with  the 
enemy,  either  on  land  or  river.  Our  total  loss  in  killed,  wound- 
ed, and  missing  was  three  thousand  nine  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  ;  that  of  the  enemy,  nearly  three  times  this  number. 

From  the  action  at  Yellow  Bayou  on  the  18th  of  May,  1864, 
to  the  close  of  the  war  in  the  following  year,  not  a  shot  was 
fired  in  the  "  Trans-Mississippi  Department."  Johnston  was 
forced  back  to  Atlanta  and  relieved  from  command,  and  Atlan- 
ta fell.  Not  even  an  effective  demonstration  was  made  toward 
Arkansas  and  Missouri  to  prevent  troops  from  being  sent  to 
reenforce  Thomas  at  Nashville,  and  Hood  was  overthrown. 
Sherman  marched  unopposed  through  Georgia  and  South  Caro- 
lina, while  Lee's  gallant  army  wasted  away  from  cold  and  hun- 
ger in  the  trenches  at  Petersburg.  Like  Augustus  in  the  agony 
of  his  spirit,  the  sorely  pressed  Confederates  on  the  east  of  the 
Mississippi  asked,  and  asked  in  vain :  "  Yarus !  Yarus !  Where 
are  our  legions  ? " 

The  enemy's  advance,  fleet  and  army,  reached  Alexandria 
on  the  16th  of  March,  but  he  delayed  sixteen  days  there  and  at 
Grand  Ecore.  My  first  reinforcements,  two  small  regiments  of 
horse,  joined  at  Natchitoches  on  the  31st ;  but  the  larger  part 
of  Green's  force  came  in  at  Mansfield  on  the  6th  of  April, 
Churchill's  infantry  reaching  Keachi  the  same  day.  Had  Banks 
pushed  to  Mansfield  on  the  5th  instead 'of  the  8th  of  April,  he 
would  have  met  but  little  opposition ;  and,  once  at  Mansfield,  he 
had  the  choice  of  three  roads  to  Shreveport,  where  Steele  could 
have  joined  him. 

Judging  from  the  testimony  given  to  the  Congressional 
Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  cotton  and  elections 
seem  to  have  been  the  chief  causes  of  delay.  In  the  second 
volume  of  "  Report "  may  be  found  much  crimination  and  re- 
crimination between  the  Navy  and  Army  concerning  the  seizure 
of  cotton.  Without  attempting  to  decide  the  question,  I  may 
observe  that  Admiral  Porter  informs  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 


ESCAPE  OF  BANES  AND  PORTER.  193 

of  "  the  capture  from  the  rebels  of  three  thousand  bales  of  cot- 
ton on  the  Washita  river,  and  two  thousand  on  the  Red,  all  of 
which  I  have  sent  to  Cairo " ;  while  General  Banks  testifies 
that  he  "  took  from  western  Louisiana  ten  thousand  bales  of 
cotton  and  twenty  thousand  beef  cattle,  horses,  and  mules." 
From  this,  the  Army  appears  to  have  surpassed  the  navy  to  the 
extent  of  five  thousand  bales  of  cotton  and  the  above-mentioned 
number  of  beef  cattle,  etc.  Whether  Admiral  Porter  or  Gen- 
eral Banks  was  the  more  virtuous,  the  unhappy  people  of  Louis- 
iana were  deprived  of  "  cakes  and  ale." 

In  his  enthusiasm  for  art  the  classic  cobbler  forgot  his  last ; 
but  "all  quality,  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  glorious 
war  "  could  not  make  General  Banks  forget  his  politics,  and  he 
held  elections  at  Alexandria  and  Grand  Ecore.  The  General 
describes  with  some  unction  the  devotion  of  the  people  to  the 
"  Union,"  which  was  and  was  to  be,  to  them,  "  the  fount  of 
every  blessing." 

Says  General  Banks  in  his  report :  "  It  became  necessary  to 
accomplish  the  evacuation  [of  Grand  Ecore]  without  the  enemy's 
knowledge.  The  conflagration  of  a  portion  of  the  town  at  the 
hour  appointed  for  the  movement  partially  frustrated  the  ob- 
ject." And  further  on :  "  Rumors  were  circulated  freely  through- 
out the  camp  at  Alexandria,  that  upon  the  evacuation  of  the 
town  it  would  be  burned,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
town  was  destroyed."  Evidently,  these  burnings  were  against 
the  orders  of  General  Banks,  who  appears  to  have  lost. authority 
over  some  of  his  troops.  Moreover,  in  their  rapid  flight  from 
Grand  Ecore  to  Monette's  Ferry,  a  distance  of  forty  miles,  the 
Federals  burned  nearly  every  house  on  the  road.  In  pursuit, 
we  passed  the  smoking  ruins  of  homesteads,  by  which  stood 
weeping  women  and  children.  Time  for  the  removal  of  the 
most  necessary  articles  of  furniture  had  been  refused.  It  was 
difficult  to  restrain  one's  inclination  to  punish  the  ruffians  en- 
gaged in  this  work,  a  number  of  wham  were  captured  ;  but  they 
asserted,  and  doubtless  with  truth,  that  they  were  acting  under 
orders. 

From  the  universal  testimony  of  citizens,  I  learned  that 
13 


194:  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

General  Banks  and  the  officers  and  men  of  the  19th  corps,  East- 
ern troops,  exerted  themselves  to  prevent  these  outrages,  and 
that  the  perpetrators  were  the  men  of  General  A.  J.  Smith's 
command  from  Sherman's  army.  Educated  at  "West  Point,  this 
General  Smith  had  long  served  in  the  regular  army  of  the 
United  States,  and  his  men  were  from  the  West,  whose  brave 
sons  might  well  afford  kindness  to  women  and  babes.  A  key 
to  their  conduct  can  be  found  in  the  "  Memoirs  "  of  General 
W.  T.  Sherman,  the  commander  who  formed  them,  and  whose 
views  are  best  expressed  in  his  own  words. 

The  city  of  Atlanta,  from  which  the  Confederates  had  with- 
drawn, was  occupied  by  Slocum's  corps  of  Sherman's  army  on 
the  2d  of  September,  1864.  In  vol.  ii.  of  his  "  Memoirs,"  page 
111,  General  Sherman  says  :  "  I  was  resolved  to  make  Atlanta 
a  pure  military  garrison  or  depot,  with  no  civil  population  to 
influence  military  measures.  I  gave  notice  of  this  purpose  as 
early  as  the  4th  of  September,  to  General  Halleck,  in  a  letter 
concluding  with  these  words  :  '  If  the  people  raise  a  howl  against 
my  barbarity  and  cruelty,  I  will  answer  that  war  is  war,  and  not 
popularity-seeking.  If  they  want  peace,  they  and  their  relations 
must  stop  the  war.' "  On  pages  124-6  appears  the  correspondence 
of  General  Sherman  with  the  mayor  and  councilmen  of  Atlanta 
concerning  the  removal  of  citizens,  in  which  the  latter  write  : 
"  We  petition  you  to  reconsider  the  order  requiring  them  to 
leave  Atlanta.  It  will  involve  in  the  aggregate  consequences 
appalling  and  heartrending.  Many  poor  women  are  in  an  ad- 
vanced state  of  pregnancy,  others  now  having  young  children, 
and  whose  husbands  for  the  greater  part  are  either  in  the  army, 
prisoners,  or  dead.  Some  say,  '  I  have  such  a  one  sick  at  my 
house ;  who  will  wait  on  them  when  I  am  gone  ? '  Others  say, 
'  What  are  we  to  do  ?  we  have  no  house  to  go  to,  and  no  means 
to  buy,  build,  or  rent  any ;  no  parents,  relatives,  or  friends  to 
go  to.'  This  being  so,  how  is  it  possible  for  the  people  still 
here,  mostly  women  and  children,  to  find  shelter  ?  And  how 
can  they  live  through  the  winter  in  the  woods  % "  To  this  Gen- 
eral Sherman  replies :  "I  have  your  letter  of  the  11th,  in  the 
nature  of  a  petition  to  revoke  my  orders  removing  all  the  inhabi- 


ESCAPE  OF  BANKS  AND  PORTER.  195 

tants  from  Atlanta.  I  have  read  it  carefully,  and  give  full 
credit  to  your  statements  of  the  distress  that  will  be  occasioned, 
and  yet  shall  not  revoke  my  orders,  because  they  were  not  in- 
tended to  meet  the  humanities  of  the  case.  You  might  as  well 
appeal  against  the  thunderstorm  as  against  these  terrible  hard- 
ships of  war.  They  are  inevitable ;  and  the  only  way  the  people 
of  Atlanta  can  hope  once  more  to  live  in  peace  and  quiet  at 
home  is  to  stop  the  war,  which  can  only  be  done  by  admitting 
that  it  began  in  error  and  is  perpetuated  in  pride."  Again,  on 
page  152  is  Sherman's  telegram  to  General  Grant :  "  Until  we 
can  repopulate  Georgia,  it  is  useless  for  us  to  occupy  it ;  but 
the  utter  destruction  of  its  roads,  houses,  and  people  will  cripple 
their  military  resources.  I  can  make  this  march,  and  make 
Georgia  howl."  It  could  hardly  be  expected  that  troops  trained 
by  this  commander  would  respect  the  humanities. 


CHAPTEK   XII. 


EAST   OF   THE   MISSISSIPPI. 


Peosteated  by  two  years  of  constant  devotion  to  work — 
work  so  severe,  stern,  and  exacting  as  to  have  prevented  me 
from  giving  the  slightest  attention  to  my  family,  even  when 
heavily  afflicted — and  persuaded  that  under  existing  administra- 
tion nothing  would  be  accomplished  in  the  "  Trans-Mississippi 
Department,"  a  month  after  the  close  of  the  Ked  Eiver  cam- 
paign I  applied  for  relief  from  duty.  After  several  applications 
this  was  granted,  and  with  my  wife  and  two  surviving  children 
I  retired  to  the  old  Spanish-French  town  of  Natchitoches.  The 
inhabitants,  though  impoverished  by  the  war,  had  a  comfortable 
house  ready  for  my  family,  to  which  they  invited  me,  with  all 
the  warmth  of  Southern  hearts  and  all  the  good  taste  of  the 
Latin  race.  Here  I  remained  for  several  weeks,  when  informa- 
tion of  my  promotion  to  lieutenant-general  came  from  Rich- 
mond, with  orders  to  report  for  duty  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  officers  of  my  staff,  who  had  long  served  with 
me,  desired  and  were  permitted  to  accompany  me,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Brent,  now  colonel  of  artillery,  who  could  not  be 
spared.  Colonel  Brent  remained  in  west  Louisiana  until  the 
close  of  the  war,  attaining  the  rank  of  brigadier.  Of  his  merit 
and  services  I  have  already  written. 

The  Red  River  campaign  of  1864  was  the  last  Federal  cam- 
paign undertaken  for  political  objects,  or  intrusted  to  political 
generals.  Experience  taught  the  Washington  Government  that 
its  enormous  resources  must  be  concentrated,  and  henceforth 
unity  of  purpose  and  action  prevailed.  Posts  on  the  Mississippi 
between  Memphis  and  New  Orleans  were  strengthened,  inter- 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  197 

veiling  spaces  closely  guarded  by  numerous  gunboats,  and  parties 
thrown  ashore  to  destroy  all  boats  that  could  be  found.  Though 
individuals,  with  precaution,  could  cross  the  great  river,  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  take  over  organized  bodies  of  troops  or  sup- 
plies, and  the  Confederates  on  the  west  were  isolated.  The 
Federal  Government  now  directed  its  energies  against  Richmond 
and  Atlanta. 

Upon  what  foundations  the  civil  authorities  of  the  Con- 
federacy rested  their  hopes  of  success,  after  the  campaign  of 
1864  fully  opened,  I  am  unable  to  say  ;  but  their  commanders 
in  the  field,  whose  rank  and  position  enabled  them  to  estimate 
the  situation,  fought  simply  to  afford  statesmanship  an  oppor- 
tunity to  mitigate  the  sorrows  of  inevitable  defeat. 

A  grand  old  oak,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Black  River,  the 
lower  Washita,  protected  my  couch ;  and  in  the  morning,  with 
two  guides,  the  faithful  Tom  following,  I  threaded  my  way 
through  swamp  and  jungle  to  the  Mississippi,  which  was  reached 
at  sunset.  A  light  canoe  was  concealed  some  distance  from  the 
river  bank,  and  after  the  short  twilight  faded  into  night  this 
was  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  guides,  and  launched.  One 
of  the  guides  embarked  to  paddle,  and  Tom  and  I  followed, 
each  leading  a  horse.  A  gunboat  was  lying  in  the  river  a  short 
distance  below,  and  even  the  horses  seemed  to  understand  the 
importance  of  silence,  swimming  quietly  alongside  of  our  frail 
craft.  The  eastern  shore  reached,  we  stopped  for  a  time  to  rub 
and  rest  the  cattle,  exhausted  by  long-continued  exertion  in  the 
water;  then  pushed  on  to  "Woodville,  some  five  and  twenty 
miles  east.  This,  the  chief  town  of  Wilkison  county,  Mississippi, 
was  in  telegraphic  communication  with  Richmond,  and  I  re- 
ported my  arrival  to  the  war  office.  An  answer  came,  directing 
me  to  take  command  of  the  department  of  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
etc.,  with  the  information  that  President  Davis  would  shortly 
leave  Richmond  to  meet  me  at  Montgomery,  Alabama.  While 
awaiting  telegram,  I  learned  of  the  fall  of  Atlanta  and  the  forts 
at  the  entrance  of  Mobile  Bay.  My  predecessor  in  the  depart- 
ment to  the  command  of  which  telegraphic  orders  had  just  as- 
signed me  was  General  Bishop  Polk,  to  whom  I  accord  all  his 


198  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

titles ;  for  in  him,  after  a  sleep  of  several  centuries,  was  awakened 
the  church  militant.  Before  he  joined  Johnston  in  northern 
Georgia,  Polk's  headquarters  were  at  Meridian,  near  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Mississippi,  where  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railway, 
running  north,  is  crossed  by  the  Yicksburg,  Jackson,  and  Selma 
line,  running  east.  To  this  point  I  at  once  proceeded,  via 
Jackson,  more  than  a  hundred  mile's  northeast  of  Woodville. 
Grierson's  and  other  "  raids,"  in  the  past  summer,  had  broken 
the  New  Orleans  and  Jackson  Railway,  so  that  I  rode  the  dis- 
tance to  the  latter  place.  It  was  in  September,  and  the  fierce 
heat  was  trying  to  man  and  beast.  The  open  pine  forests  of 
southern  Mississippi  obstruct  the  breeze,  while  affording  no 
protection  from  the  sun,  whose  rays  are  intensified  by  reflection 
from  the  white,  sandy  soil.  Jackson  reached,  I  stopped  for  an 
hour  to  see  the  Governor  of  Mississippi,  Clarke,  an  old  acquain- 
tance, and  give  instructions  to  Brigadier  Wirt  Adams,  the  local 
commander ;  then  took  rail  to  Meridian,  eighty  miles,  where  I 
found  the  records  of  the  department  left  by  General  Polk,  as 
well  as  several  officers  of  the  general  staff.  These  gentlemen 
had  nothing  especial  to  do,  and  appeared  to  be  discharging  that 
duty  conscientiously ;  but  they  were  zealous  and  intelligent,  and 
speedily  enabled  me  to  judge  of  the  situation.  Major-General 
Maury,  in  immediate  command  at  Mobile,  and  the  senior  officer 
in  the  department  before  my  arrival,  had  ordered  General  For- 
rest with  his  cavalry  to  Mobile  in  anticipation  of  an  attack. 
Forrest  himself  was  expected  to  pass  through  Meridian  that 
evening,  en  route  for  Mobile. 

Just  from  the  Mississippi  river,  where  facilities  for  obtain- 
ing information  from  New  Orleans  were  greater  than  at  Mobile, 
I  was  confident  that  the  enemy  contemplated  no  immediate  at- 
tack on  the  latter  place.  Accordingly,  General  Maury  was  in- 
formed by  telegraph  of  my  presence,  that  I  assumed  command 
of  the  department,  and  would  arrest  Forrest's  movement.  An 
hour  later  a  train  from  the  north,  bringing  Forrest  in  advance 
of  his  troops,  reached  Meridian,  and  was  stopped ;  and  the  Gen- 
eral, whom  I  had  never  seen,  came  to  report.  He  was  a  tall, 
stalwart  man,  with  grayish  hair,  mild  countenance,  and  slow 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  199 

and  homely  of  speech.  In  few  words  he  was  informed  that  I 
considered  Mobile  safe  for  the  present,  and  that  all  our  energies 
must  be  directed  to  the  relief  of  Hood's  army,  then  west  of 
Atlanta.  The  only  way  to  accomplish  this  was  to  worry  Sher- 
man's communications  north  of  the  Tennessee  river,  and  he 
must  move  his  cavalry  in  that  direction  at  the  earliest  moment. 

To  my  surprise,  Forrest  suggested  many  difficulties  and  asked 
numerous  questions :  how  he  was  to  get  over  the  Tennessee ; 
how  he  was  to  get  back  if  pressed  by  the  enemy ;  how  he  was 
to  be  supplied;  what  should  be  his  line  of  retreat  in  certain 
contingencies ;  what  he  was  to  do  with  prisoners  if  any  were 
taken,  etc.  I  began  to  think  he  had  no  stomach  for  the  work ; 
but  at  last,  having  isolated  the  chances  of  success  from  causes 
of  failure  with  the  care  of  a  chemist  experimenting  in  his 
laboratory,  he  rose  and  asked  for  Fleming,  the  superintendent 
of  the  railway,  who  was  on  the  train  by  which  he  had  come. 
Fleming  appeared — a  little  man  on  crutches  (he  had  recently' 
broken  a  leg),  but  with  the  energy  of  a  giant — and  at  once 
stated  what  he  could  do  in  the  way  of  moving  supplies  on  his 
line,  which  had  been  repaired  up  to  the  Tennessee  boundary. 
Forrest's  whole  manner  now  changed.  In  a  dozen  sharp  sen- 
tences he  told  his  wants,  said  he  would  leave  a  staff  officer  to< 
bring  up  his  supplies,  asked  for  an  engine  to  take  him  back, 
north  twenty  miles  to  meet  his  troops,  informed  me  he  would, 
march  with  the  dawn,  and  hoped  to  give  an  account  of  himself, 
in  Tennessee. 

Moving  with  great  rapidity,  he  crossed  the  Tennessee  river,, 
captured  stockades  with  their  garrisons,  burned  bridges,  de- 
stroyed railways,  reached  the  Cumberland  River  below  Nashville,, 
drove  away  gunboats,  captured  and  destroyed  several  transports 
with  immense  stores,  and  spread  alarm  over  a  wide  region.  The 
enemy  concentrated  on  him  from  all  directions,  but  he  eluded 
or  defeated  their  several  columns,  recrossed  the  Tennessee,  and 
brought  off  fifteen  hundred  prisoners  and  much  spoil.  Like 
Clive,  Nature  made  him  a  great  soldier ;  and  he  was  without 
the  former's  advantages.  Limited  as  was  Olive's  education,  he 
was  a  Porson  of  erudition  compared  with  Forrest,,  who  read 


200  DESTKUCTION  AND  KECONSTRUCTION. 

with  difficulty.  In  the  last  weeks  of  the  war  he  was  much  with 
me,  and  told  me  the  story  of  his  life.  His  father,  a  poor  trader 
in  negroes  and  mules,  died  when  he  was  fifteen  years  of  age, 
leaving  a  widow  and  several  younger  children  dependent  on 
him  for  support.  To  add  to  his  burden,  a  posthumous  infant 
was  born  some  weeks  after  the  father's  death.  Continuing  the 
paternal  occupations  in  a  small  way,  he  continued  to  maintain 
the  family  and  give  some  education  to  the  younger  children. 
His  character  for  truth,  honesty,  and  energy  was  recognized,  and 
he  gradually  achieved  independence  and  aided  his  brethren  to 
start  in  life.     Such  was  his  short  story  up  to  the  war. 

Some  months  before  the  time  of  our  first  meeting,  with  two 
thousand  men  he  defeated  the  Federal  General  Sturgis,  who  had 
five  times  his  force,  at  Tishimingo ;  and  he  repeated  his  success 
at  Okalona,  where  his  opponent,  General  Smith,  had  even  greater 
odds  against  him.  The  battle  of  Okalona  was  fought  on  an 
open  plain,  and  Forrest  had  no  advantage  of  position  to  com- 
pensate for  great  inferiority  of  numbers ;  but  it  is  remarkable 
that  he  employed  the  tactics  of  Frederick  at  Leuthen  and  Zorn- 
dorf ,  though  he  had  never  heard  these  names.  Indeed,  his  tac- 
tics deserve  the  closest  study  of  military  men.  Asked  after  the 
war  to  what  he  attributed  his  success  in  so  many  actions,  he  re- 
plied :  "  Well,  I  got  there  first  with  the  most  men."  Jomini 
could  not  have  stated  the  key  to  the  art  of  war  more  concisely. 
I  doubt  if  any  commander  since  the  days  of  lion-hearted  Rich- 
ard has  killed  as  many  enemies  with  his  own  hand  as  Forrest. 
His  word  of  command  as  he  led  the  charge  was  unique :  "  For- 
ward, men,  and  mix  with  'em ! "  But,  while  cutting  down  many 
a  foe  with  long-reaching,  nervous  arm,  his  keen  eye  watched  the 
whole  fight  and  guided  him  to  the  weak  spot.  Yet  he  was  a 
tender-hearted,  kindly  man.  The  accusations  of  his  enemies 
that  he  murdered  prisoners  at  Fort  Pillow  and  elsewhere  are 
absolutely  false.  The  prisoners  captured  on  his  expedition  into 
Tennessee,  of  which  I  have  just  written,  were  negroes,  and  he 
carefully  looked  after  their  wants  himself,  though  in  rapid  move- 
ment and  fighting  much  of  the  time.  These  negroes  told  me 
of  Mass  Forrest's  kindness  to  them.    After  the  war  I  frequently 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  201 

met  General  Forrest,  and  received  many  evidences  of  attach- 
ment from  liim.  He  has  passed  away  within  a  month,  to  the 
regret  of  all  who  knew  him.  In  the  States  of  Alabama,  Mis- 
sissippi, and  Tennessee,  to  generations  yet  unborn,  his  name 
will  be  a  "  household  word." 

Having  devoted  several  hours  at  Meridian  to  the  work  men- 
tioned, I  took  rail  for  Mobile,  a  hundred  and  forty  miles.  This 
town  of  thirty  thousand  inhabitants  is  situated  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Alabama  (here  called  Mobile)  River,  near  its  entrance 
into  Mobile  Bay,  which  is  five-and-twenty  miles  long  by  ten 
broad.  A  month  before  my  arrival  Admiral  Farragut  had  cap- 
tured Fort  Morgan  at  the  eastern  mouth  of  the  bay,  after  de- 
feating the  Confederate  fleet  under  Admiral  Buchanan,  who  was 
severely  wounded  in  the  action.  Two  or  three  of  Buchanan's 
vessels  had  escaped,  and  were  in  charge  of  Commodore  Farrand 
near  Mobile.  The  shallow  waters  of  the  bay  were  thickly 
planted  with  torpedoes,  and  many  heavy  guns  were  mounted 
near  the  town,  making  it  safe  in  front.  Mobile  had  excellent 
communications  with  the  interior.  The  Alabama,  Tombigby, 
and  Black  Warrior  Rivers  afforded  steam  navigation  to  central 
Alabama  and  eastern  Mississippi,  while  the  Mobile  and  Ohio 
Railway  reached  the  northern  limit  of  the  latter  State.  Supplies 
from  the  fertile  "  cane-brake  "  region  of  Alabama  and  the  prairies 
of  eastern  Mississippi  were  abundant.  Before  they  abandoned 
Pensacola,  the  Confederates  had  taken  up  fifty  miles  of  rails 
from  the  Pensacola  and  Montgomery  line,  and  used  them  to 
make  a  connection  between  the  latter  place  and  Blakeley,  at  the 
eastern  head  of  the  bay,  opposite  Mobile.  From  the  known 
dispositions  of  the  Federal  forces,  I  did  not  think  it  probable 
that  any  serious  attempt  on  Mobile  would  be  made  until  spring. 
Already  in  possession  of  Fort  Morgan  and  Pensacola,  thirty 
miles  east  of  the  first,  and  the  best  harbor  on  the  Gulf,  the 
enemy,  when  he  attacked,  would  doubtless  make  these  places 
his  base.  It  was  important,  then,  to  look  to  defensive  works  on 
the  east  side  of  the  bay,  and  such  works  were  vigorously  pushed 
at  Blakeley,  above  mentioned,  and  at  Spanish  Fort,  several  miles 
south.    I  had  no  intention  of  standing  a  siege  in  Mobile,  but 


202  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

desired  to  hold  the  place  with  a  small  force,  so  as  to  compel  the 
employment  of  an  army  to  reduce  it ;  and  for  this  its  situation 
was  admirably  adapted.  The  Mobile  River,  forty  miles  long, 
and  formed  by  the  Alabama  and  Tombigby,  is  but  the  estuary 
at  the  head  of  Mobile  Bay,  silted  up  with  detritus  by  the  enter- 
ing streams.  Several  miles  wide,  it  incloses  numerous  marshy 
islands  in  its  many  channels.  These  features  make  its  passage 
difficult,  while  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railway,  trending  to  the 
west  as  it  leaves  the  town  to  gain  the  high  land  above  the  valley, 
affords  a  ready  means  for  the  withdrawal  of  a  limited  force. 

The  officer  commanding  at .  Mobile  was  well  qualified  for 
his  task.'  Major-General  D.  H.  Maury,  nephew  to  the  distin- 
guished Matthew  Maury,  formerly  of  the  United  States  navy, 
graduated  from  West  Point  in  time  to  serve  in  the  war  with 
Mexico,  where  he  was  wounded.  A  Yirginian,  he  resigned 
from  the  United  States  cavalry  to  share  the  fortunes  of  his 
State.  Intelligent,  upright,  and  devoted  to  duty,  he  gained  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  the  townspeople,  and  was  thereby  en- 
abled to  supplement  his  regular  force  of  eight  thousand  of  all 
arms  with  a  body  of  local  militia.  It  was  a  great  comfort  to 
find  an  able  officer  in  this  responsible  position,  who  not  only 
adopted  my  plans,  but  improved  and  executed  them.  General 
Maury  had  some  excellent  officers  under  him,  and  the  sequel 
will  show  how  well  they  discharged  their  duty  to  the  end.  < 

From  Mobile  to  Meridian,  and  after  some  days  to  Selma, 
ninety  miles  east.  The  railway  between  these  last  places  had 
been  recently  laid  down,  and  was  very  imperfect.  There  was  no 
bridge  over  the  Tombigby  at  Demopolis,  and  a  steam  ferry  was 
employed.  East  of  Demopolis,  the  line  passed  through  the  cane- 
brake  country,  a  land  of  fatness.  The  army  of  Lee,  starving  in 
the  trenches  before  Richmond  and  Petersburg,  could  have  been 
liberally  supplied  from  this  district  but  for  lack  of  transporta- 
tion. 

Here  it  may  be  asserted  that  we  suffered  less  from  inferiority 
of  numbers  than  from  want  of  mechanical  resources.  Most  of 
the  mechanics  employed  in  the  South  were  Northern  men,  and 
returned  to  their  section  at  the  outbreak  of  war.     The  loss  of 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  203 

New  Orleans,  our  only  large  city,  aggravated  this  trouble,  and 
we  had  no  means  of  repairing  the  long  lines  of  railway,  nor  the 
plant.  Even  when  unbroken  by  raids,  wear  and  tear  rendered 
them  inefficient  at  an  early  period  of  the  struggle.  This  had  a 
more  direct  influence  on  the  sudden  downfall  of  the  Confederacy 
than  is  generally  supposed. 

Selma,  a  place  of  some  five  thousand  people,  is  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Alabama  River,  by  which  it  has  steam  communica- 
tion with  Mobile  and  Montgomery,  forty  miles  above  on  the 
opposite  bank.  In  addition  to  the  railway  from  Meridian,  there 
was  a  line  running  to  the  northeast  in  the  direction  of  Dalton, 
Georgia,  the  existing  terminus  of  which  was  at  Blue  Mountain, 
a  hundred  and  odd  miles  from  Selma ;  and,  to  inspect  the  line,  I 
went  to  Blue  Mountain.  This,  the  southern  limit  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  which  here  sink  into  the  great  plain  of  the  gulf,  was 
distant  from  the  Atlanta  and  Chattanooga  Railway,  Sherman's 
only  line  of  communication,  sixty  miles.  A  force  operating 
from  Blue  Mountain  would  approach  this  line  at  a  right  angle, 
and,  drawing  its  supplies  from  the  fertile  country  near  Selma, 
would  cover  its  own  communications  while  threatening  those  of 
an  enemy  from  Atlanta  to  Chattanooga.  On  this  account  the 
road  might  be  of  importance. 

Returning  to  Selma,  I  stopped  at  Talladega,  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Coosa  River,  the  largest  affluent  of  the  Alabama,  and  navi- 
gable by  small  steamers  to  Rome,  Georgia.  Here  I  met  Briga- 
dier Daniel  Adams,  in  local  command,  and  learned  much  of  the 
condition  of  the  surrounding  region.  After  passing  Chattanooga 
the  Tennessee  River  makes  a  great  bend  to  the  South,  inclosing 
a  part  of  Alabama  between  itself  and  the  Tennessee  State  line ; 
and  in  this  district  was  a  small  Confederate  force  under  Briga- 
dier Roddy,  which  was  enabled  to  maintain  an  exposed  position 
by  knowledge  of  the  country.  General  Adams  thought  he  could 
procure  wire  enough  to  establish  communication  with  Roddy, 
or  materially  shorten  the  courier  line  between  them ;  and,  as 
this  would  duplicate  my  means  of  getting  news,  especially  of 
Forrest,  he  was  directed  to  do  so.  I  had  no  knowledge  of  Hood's 
plans  or  condition,  saving  that  he  had  been  defeated  and  was 


204:  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

southwest  of  Atlanta;  but  if  he  contemplated  operations  on 
Sherman's  communications,  which  was  his  true  policy,  he  must 
draw  supplies  from  Selma,  as  much  of  the  country  between  the 
Tennessee  and  Alabama  Rivers  was  sterile  and  sparsely  populated. 
Accordingly,  I  moved  my  headquarters  to  Selma  and  ordered 
the  collection  of  supplies  there,  and  at  Talladega ;  then  took 
steamer  for  Montgomery,  to  meet  the  General  Assembly  of  Ala- 
bama, called  in  extra  session  in  view  of  the  crisis  produced  by 
Hood's  defeat  and  the  fall  of  Atlanta.  Just  as  the  steamer  was 
leaving  Selma,  I  received  dispatches  from  Forrest,  announcing 
his  first  success  after  crossing  the  Tennessee  river.  Traveling 
alone,  or  with  one  staff  officer,  and  unknown  to  the  people,  I  had 
opportunities  of  learning  something  of  the  real  state  of  public 
sentiment  in  my  new  department.  Citizens  were  universally 
depressed  and  disheartened.  Sick  and  wounded  officers  and 
men  from  Hood's  army  were  dissatisfied  with  the  removal  of 
Johnston  from  command,  and  the  subsequent  conduct  of  affairs. 
From  conversations  in  railway  carriages  and  on  river  steamers  I 
had  gathered  this,  and  nothing  but  this,  since  my  arrival. 

Reaching  Montgomery  in  the  morning,  I  had  interviews 
with  the  Governor  and  leading  members  of  the  Assembly,  who 
promised  all  the  assistance  in  their  power  to  aid  in  the  defense 
of  the  State.  The  Governor,  Watts,  who  had  resigned  the 
office  of  Attorney-General  of  the  Confederacy  to  accept  his 
present  position,  was  ever  ready  to  cooperate  with  me. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  a  dispatch  was  received  from  Presi- 
dent Davis,  announcing  his  arrival  for  the  following  morning. 
He  came,  was  received  by  the  State  authorities,  visited  the  Cap- 
itol, addressed  the  Assembly,  and  then  received  leading  citizens ; 
all  of  which  consumed  the  day,  and  it  was  ten  o'clock  at  night 
when  he  took  me  to  his  chamber,  locked  the  door,  and  said  we 
must  devote  the  night  to  work,  as  it  was  imperative  for  him  to 
return  to  Richmond  the  next  morning.  He  began  by  saying 
that  he  had  visited  Hood  and  his  army  on  his  way  to  Mont- 
gomery, and  was  gratified  to  find  officers  and  men  in  excellent 
spirits,  not  at  all  depressed  by  recent  disasters,  and  that  he 
thought  well  of  a  movement  north  toward  Nashville.    I  ex- 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  205 

pressed  surprise  at  his  statement  of  the  condition  of  Hood's 
army,  as  entirely  opposed  to  the  conclusions  forced  on  me  by 
all  the  evidence  I  could  get,  and  warned  him  of  the  danger  of 
listening  to  narrators  who  were  more  disposed  to  tell  what  was 
agreeable  than  what  was  true.  He  readily  admitted  that  per- 
sons in  his  position  were  exposed  to  this  danger.  Proceeding 
to  discuss  the  suggested  movement  toward  Nashville,  I  thought 
it  a  serious  matter  to  undertake  a  campaign  into  Tennessee  in 
the  autumn,  with  troops  so  badly  equipped  as  were  ours  for  the 
approaching  winter.  Every  mile  the  army  marched  north,  it 
was  removing  farther  from  supplies,  and  no  reinforcements 
were  to  be  hoped  for  from  any  quarter.  Besides,  Sherman 
could  control  force  enough  to  garrison  Chattanooga  and  Nash- 
ville, and,  if  time  were  allowed  him  to  accumulate  supplies  at 
Atlanta  by  his  one  line  of  rail,  could  abandon  everything  south 
of  Chattanooga,  and  with  fifty  thousand  men,  in  the  absence  of 
Hood's  army,  march  where  he  liked.  The  President  asked 
what  assistance  might  be  expected  from  the  trans-Mississippi. 
I  replied,  none.  There  would  not  be  another  gun  fired  there ; 
for  the  Federals  had  withdrawn  their  troops  to  concentrate  east 
of  the  river.  The  difficulty  of  bringing  over  organized  bodies 
of  men  was  explained,  with  the  addition  of  their  unwillingness 
to  come.  The  idea  prevailed  that  the  States  west  of  the  Missis- 
sippi had  been  neglected  by  the  Government,  and  this  idea  had 
been  encouraged  by  many  in  authority.  So  far  from  desiring 
to  send  any  more  men  to  the  east,  they  clamored  for  the  return 
of  those  already  there.  Certain  senators  and  representatives, 
who  had  bitterly  opposed  the  administration  at  Eichmond, 
talked  much  wild  nonsense  about  setting  up  a  government  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  uniting  with  Maximilian,  and  calling  on 
Louis  Napoleon  for  assistance.  The  President  listened  atten- 
tively to  this,  and  asked,  "  "What  then  \ "  I  informed  him  of 
the  work  Forrest  was  doing,  pointed  out  the  advantages  of  Blue 
Mountain  as  a  base  from  which  to  operate,  and  suggested  that 
Hood's  army  be  thrown  on  Sherman's  line  of  railway,  north  of 
Atlanta.  As  Johnston  had  been  so  recently  removed  from  com- 
mand, I  would  not  venture  to  recommend  his  return,  but  be- 


206  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

lieved  that  our  chances  would  be  increased  by  the  assignment 
of  Beauregard  to  the  army.  He  still  retained  some  of  the  early 
popularity  gained  at  Sumter  and  Manassas,  and  would  awaken 
a  certain  enthusiasm.  Apprehending  no  immediate  danger  for 
Mobile,  I  would  strip  the  place  of  everything  except  gunners 
and  join  Beauregard  with  four  thousand  good  troops.  Even 
the  smallest  reenforcement  is  inspiriting  to  a  defeated  army, 
and  by  seizing  his  railway  we  would  force  Sherman  to  battle. 
Granting  we  would  be  whipped,  we  could  fall  back  to  Blue 
Mountain  without  danger  of  pursuit,  as  the  enemy  was  chained 
to  his  line  of  supply,  and  we  certainly  ought  to  «nake  the  fight 
hot  enough  to  cripple  him  for  a  time  and  delay  his  projected 
movements.  At  the  same  time,  I  did  not  disguise  my  convic- 
tion that  the  best  we  could  hope  for  was  to  protract  the  struggle 
until  spring.  It  was  for  statesmen,  not  soldiers,  to  deal  with  the 
future. 

The  President  said  Beauregard  should  come,  and,  after  con- 
sultation with  Hood  and  myself,  decide  the  movements  of  the 
army ;  but  that  he  was  distressed  to  hear  such  gloomy  senti- 
ments from  me.  I  replied  that  it  was  my  duty  to  express  my 
opinions  frankly  to  him,  when  he  asked  for  them,  though  there 
would  be  impropriety  in  giving  utterance  to  them  before  others ; 
but  I  did  not  admit  the  gloom.  In  fact,  I  had  cut  into  this  game 
with  eyes  wide  open,  and  felt  that  in  staking  life,  fortune,  and 
the  future  of  my  children,  the  chances  were  against  success.  It 
was  not  for  me,  then,  to  whimper  when  the  cards  were  bad ; 
that  was  the  right  of  those  who  were  convinced  there  would  be 
no  war,  or  at  most  a  holiday  affair,  in  which  everybody  could 
display  heroism.  With  much  other  talk  we  wore  through  the 
night.  In  the  morning  he  left,  as  he  purposed,  and  I  returned 
to  Selma.  My  next  meeting  with  President  Davis  was  at  For- 
tress Monroe,  under  circumstances  to  be  related. 

Some  days  at  Selma  were  devoted  to  accumulation  of  sup- 
plies, and  General  Maury  was  advised  that  he  must  be  prepared 
to  forward  a  part  of  his  command  to  that  place,  when  a  message 
from  Beauregard  informed  me  that  he  was  on  the  way  to  Blue 
Mountain  and  desired  to  meet  me  there.     He  had  not  seen 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  207 

Hood,  whose  army,  after  an  ineffectual  attack  on  Altoona,  had 
left  Sherman's  line  of  communication,  moved  westward,  and 
was  now  some  fifteen  miles  to  the  north  of  Blue  Mountain. 
Having  told  me  this,  Beauregard  explained  the  orders  under 
which  he  was  acting.  To  my  disappointment,  he  had  not  been 
expressly  assigned  to  command  Hood's  army,  but  to  the  general 
direction  of  affairs  in  the  southwest.  General  Maury,  a  capable 
officer,  was  at  Mobile ;  Forrest,  with  his  cavalry  division,  I  had 
sent  into  Tennessee ;  and  a  few  scattered  men  were  watching 
the  enemy  in  various  quarters — all  together  hardly  constituting 
a  command  for  a  lieutenant-general,  my  rank.  Unless  Beaure- 
gard took  charge  of  Hood's  army,  there  Was  nothing  for  him  to 
do  except  to  command  me.  Here  was  a  repetition  of  1863. 
Then  Johnston  was  sent  with  a  roving  commission  to  command 
Bragg  in  Tennessee,  Pemberton  in  Mississippi,  and  others  in 
sundry  places.  The  result  was  that  he  commanded  nobody, 
and,  when  Pemberton  was  shut  up  in  Yicksburg,  found  him- 
self helpless,  with  a  handful  of  troops,  at  Jackson.  To  give  an 
officer  discretion  to  remove  another  from  command  of  an  army 
in  the  field  is  to  throw  upon  him  the  responsibility  of  doing  it, 
and  this  should  be  assumed  by  the  government,  not  left  to  an 
individual. 

However,  I  urged  on  Beauregard  the  considerations  mentioned 
in  my  interview  with  President  Davis,  that  Sherman  had  detached 
to  look  after  Forrest,  was  compelled  to  keep  garrisons  at  many 
points  from  Atlanta  to  Nashville,  and,  if  forced  to  action  fifty 
or  sixty  miles  north  of  the  former  place,  would  be  weaker  then 
than  we  could  hope  to  find  him  later,  after  he  had  accumulated 
supplies.  I  mentioned  the  little  reenforcement  we  could  have 
at  once  from  Mobile,  my  readiness  to  take  any  command,  divi- 
sion, brigade,  or  regiment  to  which  he  might  assign  me,  and, 
above  all,  the  necessity  of  prompt  action.  There  were  two  per- 
sons present,  Colonel  Brent,  of  Beauregard's  staff,  and  Mr. 
Charles  Yillere,  a  member  of  the  Confederate  Congress  from 
Louisiana.  The  former  said  all  that  was  proper  for  a  staff  offi- 
cer in  favor  of  my  views ;  the  latter,  Beauregard's  brother-in- 
law,  warmly  urged  their  adoption.     The  General  ordered  his 


208  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

horse,  to  visit  Hood,  and  told  me  to  await  intelligence  from 
him.  On  his  return  from  Hood,  he  informed  me  that  the  army 
was  moving  to  the  northwest,  and  would  cross  the  Tennessee 
river  near  the  Muscle  Shoals.  As  this  plan  of  campaign  had 
met  the  sanction  of  President  Davis,  and  Hood  felt  confident 
of  success,  he  declined  to  interfere.  I  could  not  blame  Beaure- 
gard ;  for  it  was  putting  a  cruel  responsibility  on  him  to  super- 
sede a  gallant  veteran,  to  whom  fortune  had  been  adverse. 
There  was  nothing  to  be  said  and  nothing  to  be  done,  saving  to 
discharge  one's  duty  to  the  bitter  end.  Hood's  line  of  march 
would  bring  him  within  reach  of  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railway 
in  northern  Mississippi,  and  supplies  could  be  sent  him  by  that 
road.  Selma  ceased  to  be  of  importance,  and  my  quarters  were 
returned  to  Meridian.  Forrest,  just  back  from  Tennessee,  was 
advised  of  Hood's  purposes  and  ordered  to  cooperate.  Maury 
was  made  happy  by  the  information  that  he  would  lose  none  of 
his  force,  and  the  usual  routine  of  inspections,  papers,  etc.,  occu- 
pied the  ensuing  weeks. 

My  attention  was  called  about  this  time  to  the  existence  of  a 
wide-spread  evil.  A  practice  had  grown  up  of  appointing  pro- 
vost-marshals to  take  private  property  for  public  use,  and  every 
little  post  commander  exercised  the  power  to  appoint  such  offi- 
cials. The  land  swarmed  with  these  vermin,  appointed  without 
due  authority,  or  self-constituted,  who  robbed  the  people  of 
horses,  mules,  cattle,  corn,  and  meat.  The  wretched  peasants 
of  the  middle  ages  could  not  have  suffered  more  from  the  "  free 
companies"  turned  loose  upon  them.  Loud  complaints  came 
up  from  State  governors  and  from  hundreds  of  good  citizens. 
I  published  an  order,  informing  the  people  that  their  property 
was  not  to  be  touched  unless  by  authority  given  by  me  and  in 
accordance  with  the  forms  of  law,  and  they  were  requested  to 
deal  with  all  violators  of  the  order  as  with  highwaymen.  This 
put  an  end  to  the  tyranny,  which  had  been  long  and  universally 
submitted  to. 

The  readiness  of  submission  to  power  displayed  by  the 
American  people  in  the  war  was  astonishing.  Our  British  fore- 
fathers transmitted  to  us  respect  for  law  and  love  of  liberty 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  209 

founded  upon  it ;  but  the  influence  of  universal  suffrage  seemed 
to  have  destroyed  all  sense  of  personal  manhood,  all  conception 
of  individual  rights.  It  may  be  said  of  the  South,  that  its  peo- 
ple submitted  to  wrong  because  they  were  engaged  in  a  fierce 
struggle  with  superior  force ;  but  what  of  the  North,  whose 
people  were  fighting  for  conquest  %  Thousands  were  opposed 
to  the  war,  and  hundreds  of  thousands  to  its  conduct  and  ob- 
jects. The  wonderful  vote  received  by  McClellan  in  1864 
showed  the  vast  numbers  of  the  Northern  minority  ;  yet,  so  far 
from  modifying  in  the  smallest  degree  the  will  and  conduct  of 
the  majority,  this  multitude  of  men  dared  not  give  utterance  to 
their  real  sentiments ;  and  the  same  was  true  of  the  South  at 
the  time  of  secession.  Reformers  who  have  tried  to  improve  the 
morals  of  humanity,  discoverers  who  have  striven  to  alleviate 
its  physical  conditions,  have  suffered  martyrdom  at  its  hands. 
Years  upon  years  have  been  found  necessary  to  induce  the 
masses  to  consider,  much  less  adopt,  schemes  for  their  own 
advantage.  A  government  of  numbers,  then,  is  not  one  of  vir- 
tue or  intelligence,  but  of  force,  intangible,  irresistible,  irre- 
sponsible— resembling  that  of  Csesar  depicted  by  the  great  his- 
torian, which,  covering  the  earth  as  a  pall,  reduced  all  to  a  com- 
mon level  of  abject  servitude.  For  many  years  scarce  a  de- 
scendant of  the  colonial  gentry  in  the  Eastern  States  has  been 
elected  to  public  office.  To-day  they  have  no  existence  even  as 
a  social  force  and  example.  Under  the  baleful  influence  of 
negro  suffrage  it  is  impossible  to  foretell  the  destiny  of  the 
South.  Small  wonder  that  pure  democracies  have  ever  proved; 
ready  to  exchange  "  Demos  "  for  some  other  tyrant. 

Occasional  visits  for  inspection  were  made  to  Mobile,  where' 
Maury  was  strengthening  his  defenses.  On  the  east  side  of  the 
bay,  Blakeley  and  Spanish  Fort  were  progressing  steadily,  as  I 
held  that  the  enemy  would  attack  there,  tempted  by  his  posses- 
sion of  Pensacola  and  Fort  Morgan.  Although  thib  opinion, 
was  justified  in  the  end,  hope  may  have  had  some  influence  in 
its  formation ;  for  we  could  meet  attack  from  that  quarter 
better  than  from  the  west,  which,  indeed,  would  have  speedily 
driven  us  from  the  place.  The  loss  of  the  Mobile  and.  Ohio 
14 


210  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

railway  would  have  necessitated  the  withdrawal  of  the  garri- 
son across  the  bay,  a  difficult  operation,  if  pressed  by  superior 
force. 

The  Confederate  Congress  had  enacted  that  negro  troops, 
captured,  should  be  restored  to  their  owners.  ~$Ve  had  several 
hundreds  of  such,  taken  by  Forrest  in  Tennessee,  whose  owners 
could  not  be  reached  ;  and  they  were  put  to  work  on  the  forti- 
fications at  Mobile,  rather  for  the  purpose  of  giving  them 
healthy  employment  than  for  the  value  of  the  work.  I  made 
it  a  point  to  visit  their  camps  and  inspect  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  their  food,  always  found  to  be  satisfactory.  On  one 
occasion,  while  so  engaged,  a  fine-looking  negro,  who  seemed  to 
be  leader  among  his  comrades,  approached  me  and  said :  "  Thank 
you,  Massa  General,  they  give  us  plenty  of  good  victuals ;  but 
how  you  like  our  work  ? "  I  replied  that  they  had  worked  very 
well.  "  If  you  will  give  us  guns  we  will  fight  for  these  works, 
too.  We  would  rather  fight  for  our  own  white  folks  than  for 
strangers."  And,  doubtless,  this  was  true.  In  their  dealings 
with  the  negro  the  white  men  of  the  South  should  ever  remem- 
ber that  no  instance  of  outrage  occurred  during  the  war.  Their 
wives  and  little  ones  remained  safe  at  home,  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  faithful  slaves,  who  worked  quietly  in  the  fields 
until  removed  by  the  Federals.  This  is  the  highest  testimony 
to  the  kindness  of  the  master  and  the  gentleness  of  the  servant ; 
and  all  the  dramatic  talent  prostituted  to  the  dissemination  of 
falsehood  in  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  "  and  similar  productions  can . 
not  rebut  it. 

About  the  middle  of  November  I  received  from  General 
Lee,  now  commanding  the  armies  of  the  Confederacy,  instruc- 
tions to  visit  Macon  and  Savannah,  Georgia,  if  I  could  leave  my 
department,  and  report  to  him  the  condition  of  affairs  4in  that 
quarter,  and  the  probabilities  of  Sherman's  movements,  as  the 
latter  had  left  Atlanta.  I  proceeded  at  once,  taking  rail  at 
Montgomery,  and  reached  Macon,  via  Columbus,  Georgia,  at 
dawn.  It  was  the  bitterest  weather  I  remember  in  this  latitude. 
The  ground  was  frozen  and  some  snow  was  falling.  General 
Howell  Cobb,  the  local  commander,  met  me  at  the  station  and 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  211 

took  me  to  his  house,  which  was  also  his  office.  Arrived  there, 
horses  appeared,  and  Cobb  said  he  supposed  that  I  would  desire 
to  ride  out  and  inspect  the  fortifications,  on  which  he  had  been 
at  work  all  night,  as  the  enemy  was  twelve  miles  north  of 
Macon  at  noon  of  the  preceding  day.  I  asked  what  force  he 
had  to  defend  the  place.  He  stated  the  number,  which  was 
utterly  inadequate,  and  composed  of  raw  conscripts.  Where- 
upon I  declined  to  look  at  the  fortifications,  and  requested  him 
to  order  work  upon  them  to  be  stopped,  so  that  his  men  could 
get  by  a  fire,  as  I  then  was  and  intended  to  remain.  I  had  ob- 
served a  movement  of  stores  in  passing  the  railway  station,  and 
now  expressed  the  opinion  that  Macon  was  the  safest  place  in 
Georgia,  and  advised  Cobb  to  keep  his  stores.  Here  entered 
General  Mackall,  one  of  Cobb's  subordinates,  who  was  person- 
ally in  charge  of  the  defensive  works,  and  could  not  credit  the 
order  he  had  received  to  stop.  Cobb  referred  him  to  me,  and  I 
said  :  "  The  enemy  was  but  twelve  miles  from  you  at  noon  of 
yesterday.  Had  he  intended  coming  to  Macon,  you  would  have 
seen  him  last  evening,  before  you  had  time  to  strengthen  works 
or  remove  stores."  This  greatly  comforted  Cobb,  who  up  to 
that  moment  held  me  to  be  a  lunatic.  Breakfast  was  suggested, 
to  which  I  responded  with  enthusiasm,  having  been  on  short 
commons  for  many  hours.  "While  we  were  enjoying  the  meal, 
intelligence  was  brought  that  the  enemy  had  disappeared  from 
the  north  of  Macon  and  marched  eastward.  Cobb  was  delighted. 
He  pronounced  me  to  be  the  wisest  of  generals,  and  said  he 
knew  nothing  of  military  affairs,  but  had  entered  the  service 
from  a  sense  of  duty. 

Cobb  had  been  Speaker  of  the  United  States  House  of  Eep- 
resentatives,  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  administra- 
tion of  President  Buchanan.  Beloved  and  respected  in  his 
State,  he  had  been  sent  to  Georgia  to  counteract  the  influence 
of  Governor  Joe  Brown,  who,  carrying  out  the  doctrine  of  State 
rights,  had  placed  himself  in  opposition  to  President  Davis. 
Cobb,  with  his  conscripts,  had  been  near  Atlanta  before  Sher- 
man moved  out,  and  gave  me  a  laughable  account  of  the  expe- 
ditious manner  in  which  he  and  "  his  little  party  "  got  to  Ma- 


212  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

con,  just  as  he  was  inditing  a  superb  dispatch  to  General  Lee  to 
inform  him  of  the  impossibility  of  Sherman's  escape. 

While  we  were  conversing  Governor  Brown  was  announced, 
as  arrived  from  Milledgeville,  the  State  capital,  forty  miles  to 
the  northeast.  Cobb  remarked  that  it  was  awkward ;  for  Gov- 
ernor Brown  was  the  only  man  in  Georgia  to  whom  he  did  not 
speak.  But  he  yielded  to  the  ancient  jest,  that  for  the  time 
being  we  had  best  hang  together,  as  there  seemed  a  possibility 
of  enjoying  that  amusement  separately,  and  brought  the  Gov- 
ernor in,  who  told  me  that  he  had  escaped  from  Milledgeville 
as  the  Federals  entered.  People  said  that  he  had  brought  off 
his  cow  and  his  cabbages,  and  left  the  State's  property  to  take 
care  of  itself.  However,  Governor  Brown  deserves  praise  at 
my  hands,  for  he  promptly  acceded  to  all  my  requests.  "With 
him  were  General  Robert  Toombs,  the  most  original  of  men, 
and  General  G.  "W.  Smith,  both  of  whom  had  been  in  the  Con- 
federate army.  Toombs  had  resigned  to  take  the  place  of 
Adjutant-General  of  Georgia  ;  Smith,  to  superintend  some  iron 
works,  from  which  he  had  been  driven  by  Sherman's  move- 
ments, and  was  now  in  command  of  Governor  Brown's  "  army," 
composed  of  men  that  he  had  refused  to  the  Confederate  ser- 
vice. This  "  army "  had  some  hours  before  marched  east  to- 
ward Savannah,  taking  the  direct  route  along  the  railway.  I 
told  the  Governor  that  his  men  would  be  captured  unless  they 
were  called  back  at  once  ;  and  Smith,  who  undertook  the  duty 
in  person,  was  just  in  time.  "  Joe  Brown's  army "  struck  the 
extreme  right  of  Sherman,  and  suffered  some  loss  before  Smith 
could  extricate  it.  To  Albany,  ninety  miles  south  of  Macon, 
there  was  a  railway,  and  some  forty  miles  farther  south,  across 
the  country,  Thomasville  was  reached.  Here  was  the  terminus 
of  the  Savannah  and  Gulf  Railway,  two  hundred  miles,  or 
thereabouts,  southwest  of  Savannah.  This  route  I  decided  to 
take,  and  suggested  it  to  the  Governor  as  the  only  safe  one  for 
his  troops.  He  acquiesced  at  once,  and  Toombs  promised  to 
have  transportation  ready  by  the  time  Smith  returned.  Taking 
leave  of  Cobb,  I  departed. 

Several  years  after  the  close  of  the  war  General  Cobb  and  I 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  213 

happened  to  be  in  New  York,  accompanied  by  our  families, 
but  stopping  at  different  inns.  He  dined  with  me,  seemed  in 
excellent  health  and  spirits,  and  remained  to  a  late  hour,  talking 
over  former  times  and  scenes.  I  walked  to  his  lodgings  with 
him,  and  promised  to  call  with  my  wife  on  Mrs.  Cobb  the  fol- 
lowing day  at  1  o'clock.  We  were  there  at  the  hour,  when  the 
servant,  in  answer  to  my  request  to  take  up  our  cards,  stated 
that  General  Cobb  had  just  fallen  dead.  I  sprang  up  the  stair, 
and  saw  his  body  lying  -  on  the  floor  of  a  room,  his  wife,  dazed 
by  the  shock,  looking  on.  A  few  minutes  before  he  had  writ- 
ten a  letter  and  started  for  the  office  of  the  inn  to  post  it,  re- 
marking to  his  wife  that  he  would  return  immediately,  as  he 
expected  our  visit.  A  step  from  the  threshold,  and  he  was 
dead.  Thus  suddenly  passed  away  one  of  the  most  genial  and 
generous  men  I  have  known.  His  great  fortune  suffered  much 
by  the  war,  but  to  the  last  he  shared  its  remains  with  less  for- 
tunate friends. 

Traveling  all  night,  I  reached  Thomasville  in  the  early  morn- 
ing, and  found  that  there  was  telegraphic  communication  with 
General  Hardee  at  Savannah,  whom  I  informed  of  my  pres- 
ence and  requested  to  send  down  transportation  for  Governor 
Brown's  troops.  There  was  much  delay  at  Thomasville,  the 
railway  people  appearing  to  think  that  Sherman  was  swarming 
all  over  Georgia.  At  length  I  discovered  an  engine  and  a 
freight  van,  which  the  officials  promised  to  get  ready  for  me ; 
but  they  were  dreadfully  slow,  until  Toombs  rode  into  town 
and  speedily  woke  them  up.  Smith  returned  to  Macon  after 
my  departure,  found  transportation  ready  for  his  men,  brought 
them  to  Albany  by  rail,  and  was  now  marching  to  Thomasville. 
Toombs,  who  had  ridden  on  in  advance,  was  not  satisfied  with 
Hardee's  reply  to  my  dispatch,  but  took  possession  of  the  tele- 
graph and  threatened  dire  vengeance  on  superintendents  and 
road  masters  if  they  failed  to  have  the  necessary  engines  and 
carriages  ready  in  time.  He  damned  the  dawdling  creatures 
who  had  delayed  me  to  such  an  extent  as  to  make  them  ener- 
getic, and  my  engine  appeared,  puffing  with  anxiety  to  move. 
He  assured  me  that  he  would  not  be  many  hours  after  me  at 


214:  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Savannah,  for  Smith  did  not  intend  to  halt  on  the  road,  as  his 
men  could  rest  in  the  carriages.  A  man  of  extraordinary  en- 
ergy, this  same  Toombs. 

Savannah  was  reached  about  midnight,  and  Hardee  was 
awaiting  me.  A  short  conversation  cleared  the  situation  and 
enabled  me  to  send  the  following  report  to  General  Lee.  Au- 
gusta, Georgia,  held  by  General  Bragg  with  a  limited  force, 
was  no  longer  threatened,  as  the  enemy  had  passed  south  of  it. 
Sherman,  with  sixty  or  seventy  thousand  men,  was  moving  on 
the  high,  ground  between  the  Savannah  and  Ogeechee  Eivers ; 
and  as  this  afforded  a  dry,  sandy  road  direct  to  Savannah,  where 
he  would  most  readily  meet  the  Federal  fleet,  it  was  probable 
that  he  would  adhere  to  it.  He  might  cross  the  Savannah 
river  forty  or  fifty  miles  above  and  march  on  Charleston,  but 
this  was  hardly  to  be  expected ;  for,  in  addition  to  the  river 
named,  there  were  several  others  and  a  difficult  country  to  pass 
before  Charleston  could  be  reached,  and  his  desire  to  communi- 
cate with  the  fleet  by  the  nearest  route  and  in  the  shortest  time 
must  be  considered.  Hardee's  force  was  inadequate  to  the  de- 
fense of  Savannah,  and  he  should  prepare  to  abandon  the  place 
before  he  was  shut  up.  Uniting,  Bragg  and  Hardee  should 
call  in  the  garrison  from  Charleston,  and  all  scattered  forces 
along  the  coast  south  of  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  and  be 
prepared  to  resist  Sherman's  march  through  the  Carolinas, 
which  he  must  be  expected  to  undertake  as  soon  as  he  had  es- 
tablished a  base  on  the  ocean.  Before  this  report  was  dis- 
patched, Hardee  read  and  approved  it. 

Meanwhile  scores  of  absurd  rumors  about  the  enemy  came 
in.  Places  I  had  passed  within  an  hour  were  threatened  by 
heavy  columns ;  others,  from  which  the  enemy  was  distant  a 
hundred  miles,  were  occupied,  etc.  But  one  of  importance  did 
come.  The  railway  from  Savannah  to  Charleston  passes  near 
the  coast.  The  officer  commanding  at  Pocotaligo,  midway  of 
the  two  places,  reported  an  advance  of  the  enemy  from  Port 
Royal,  and  that  he  must  abandon  his  post  the  following  morn- 
ing unless  reenforced.  To  lose  the  Charleston  line  would  seri- 
ously interfere  with    the    concentration    just    recommended. 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  215 

Hardee  said  that  lie  could  ill  spare  men,  and  had  no  means  of 
moving  them  promptly.  I  bethought  me  of  Toombs,  Smith, 
and  Governor  Brown's  "army."  The  energetic  Toombs  had 
frightened  the  railway  people  iuto  moving  him,  and,  from  his 
telegrams,  might  be  expected  before  dawn.  Hardee  thought 
but  little  of  the  suggestion,  because  the  ground  of  quarrel  be- 
tween Governor  Brown  and  President  Davis  was  the  refusal  of 
the  former  to  allow  his  guards  to  serve  beyond  their  state. 
However,  I  had  faith  in  Toombs  and  Smith.  A  short  distance 
to  the  south  of  Savannah,  on  the  Gulf  road,  was  a  switch  by 
which  carriages  could  be  shunted  on  to  a  connection  with  the 
Charleston  line.  I  wrote  to  Toombs  of  the  emergency,  and 
sent  one  of  Hardee's  staff  to  meet  him  at  the  switch.  The 
governor's  army  was  quietly  shunted  off  and  woke  up  at  Poco- 
taligo  in  South  Carolina,  where  it  was  just  in  time  to  repulse 
the  enemy  after  a  spirited  little  action,  thereby  saving  the  rail- 
way. Doubtless  the  Georgians,  a  plucky  people,  would  Mve 
responded  to  an  appeal  to  leave  their  State  under  the  circum- 
stances, but  Toombs  enjoyed  the  joke  of  making  them  uncon- 
scious patriots. 

In  the  past  autumn  Cassius  Clay  of  Kentucky  killed  a  col- 
ored man  who  had  attacked  him.  For  more  than  thirty  years 
Mr.  Clay  had  advocated  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  at  the  risk 
of  his  life.  Dining  with  Toombs  in  New  York  just  after  the 
event,  he  said  to  me :  "  Seen  the  story  about  old  Cassius  Clay  ? 
Been  an  abolitionist  all  his  days,  and  ends  by  shooting  a- nigger. 
I  knew  he  would."  A  droll  fellow  is  Bobert  Toombs.  Full  of 
talent  and  well  instructed,  he  affects  quaint  and  provincial  forms 
of  speech.  His  influence  in  Georgia  is  great,  and  he  is  a  man 
to  know. 

Two  days  at  Savannah  served  to  accomplish  the  object  of 
my  mission,  and,  taking  leave  of  Hardee,  I  returned  to  my  own 
department.  An  educated  soldier  of  large  experience,  Hardee 
was  among  the  best  of  our  subordinate  generals,  and,  indeed, 
seemed  to  possess  the  requisite  qualities  for  supreme  command ; 
but  this  he  steadily  refused,  alleging  his  unfitness  for  respon- 
sibility.    Such  modesty  is  not  a  common  American  weakness, 


216  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

and  deserves  to  be  recorded.  General  Hardee's  death  occurred 
after  the  close  of  the  war. 

In  this  journey  through  Georgia,  at  Andersonville,  I  passed 
in  sight  of  a  large  stockade  inclosing  prisoners  of  war.  The 
train  stopped  for  a  few  moments,  and  there  entered  the  carriage, 
to  speak  to  me,  a  man  who  said  his  name  was  Wirtz,  and  that 
he  was  in  charge  of  the  prisoners  near  by.  He  complained  of 
the  inadequacy  of  his  guard  and  of  the  want  of  supplies,  as  the 
adjacent  region  was  sterile  and  thinly  populated.  He  also  said 
that  the  prisoners  were  suffering  from  cold,  were  destitute  of 
blankets,  and  that  he  had  not  wagons  to  supply  fuel.  He 
showed  me  duplicates  of  requisitions  and  appeals  for  relief  that 
he  had  made  to  different  authorities,  and  these  I  indorsed  in 
the  strongest  terms  possible,  hoping  to  accomplish  some  good. 
I  know  nothing  of  this  "Wirtz,  whom  I  then  met  for  the  first 
and  only  time,  but  he  appeared  to  be  earnest  in  his  desire  to 
mmgate  the  condition  of  his  prisoners.  There  can  be  but  little 
doubt  that  his  execution  was  a  "  sop  "  to  the  passions  of  the 
"  many-headed." 

Returned  to  Meridian,  the  situation  of  Hood  in  Tennessee 
absorbed  all  my  attention.  He  had  fought  at  Franklin,  and 
was  now  near  Nashville.  Franklin  was  a  bloody  affair,  in  which 
Hood  lost  many  of  his  best  officers  and  troops.  The  previous 
evening,  at  dusk,  a  Federal  column,  retreating  north,  passed 
within  pistol-shot  of  Hood's  forces,  and  an  attack  on  it  might 
have  produced  results ;  but  it  reached  strong  works  at  Franklin, 
and  held  them  against  determined  assaults,  until  night  enabled 
it  to  withdraw  quietly  to  Nashville.  This  mistake  may  be  as- 
cribed to  Hood's  want  of  physical  activity,  occasioned  by  severe 
wounds  and  amputations,  which  might  have  been  considered 
before  he  was  assigned  to  command.  Maurice  of  Saxe  won 
Fontenoy  in  a  litter,  unable  from  disease  to  mount  his  horse ; 
but  in  war  it  is  hazardous  to  convert  exceptions  into  rules. 

Notwithstanding  his  frightful  loss  at  Franklin,  Hood  fol- 
lowed the  enemy  to  Nashville,  and  took  position  south  of  the 
place,  where  he  remained  ten  days  or  more.  It  is  difficult  to 
imagine  what  objects  he  had  in  view.     The  town  was  open  to 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  217 

the  north,  whence  the  Federal  commander,  Thomas,  was  hourly 
receiving  reinforcements,  while  he  had  none  to  hope  for.  His 
plans  perfected  and  his  reinforcements  joined,  Thomas  moved, 
and  Hood  was  driven  off ;  and,  had  the  Federal  general  pos- 
sessed dash  equal  to  his  tenacity  and  caution,  one  fails  to  see 
how  Hood  could  have  brought  man  or  gun  across  the  Tennessee 
Kiver.  It  is  painful  to  criticise  Hood's  conduct  of  this  cam- 
paign. Like  JSey,  "  the  bravest  of  the  brave,"  he  was  a  splen- 
did leader  in  battle,  and  as  a  brigade  or  division  commander 
unsurpassed ;  but,  arrived  at  higher  rank,  he  seems  to  have  been 
impatient  of  control,  and  openly  disapproved  of  Johnston's 
conduct  of  affairs  between  Dalton  and  Atlanta.  Unwillingness 
to  obey  is  often  interpreted  by  governments  into  capacity  for 
command. 

Reaching  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tennessee,  Hood  asked 
to  be  relieved,  and  a  telegraphic  order  assigned  me  to  the  duty. 
At  Tupelo,  on  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Railway,  a  hundred  and 
odd  miles  north  of  Meridian,  I  met  him  and  the  remains  of  his 
army.  Within  my  experience  were  assaults  on  positions,  in 
which  heavy  losses  were  sustained  without  success ;  but  the 
field  had  been  held — retreats,  but  preceded  by  repulse  of  the 
foe  and  followed  by  victory.  This  was  my  first  view  of  a 
beaten  army,  an  army  that  for  four  years  had  shown  a  constancy 
worthy  of  the  "  Ten  Thousand " ;  and  a  painful  sight  it  was. 
Many  guns  and  small  arms  had  been  lost,  and  the  ranks  were 
depleted  by  thousands  of  prisoners  and  missing.  Blankets, 
shoes,  clothing,  and  accouterments  were  wanting.  I  have  writ- 
ten of  the  unusual  severity  of  the  weather  in  the  latter  part  of 
November,  and  it  was  now  near  January.  Some  men  perished 
by  frost ;  many  had  the  extremities  severely  bitten.  Fleming, 
the  active  superintendent  mentioned,  strained  the  resources  of 
his  railway  to  transport  the  troops  to  the  vicinity  of  Meridian, 
where  timber  for  shelter  and  fuel  was  abundant  and  supplies 
convenient ;  and  every  energy  was  exerted  to  reequip  them. 

Sherman  was  now  in  possession  of  Savannah,  but  an  interior 
line  of  rail  by  Columbus,  Macon,  and  Augusta,  Georgia,  and 
Columbia,  South  Carolina,  was  open.     Mobile  was  not  imme- 


218  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

diately  threatened,  and  was  of  inferior  importance  as  compared 
with  the  safety  of  Lee's  army  at  Petersburg.  Unless  a  force 
could  be  interposed  between  Sherman  and  Lee's  rear,  the  game 
would  be  over  when  the  former  moved.  Accordingly,  I  dis- 
patched to  General  Lee  the  suggestion  of  sending  the  "  Army 
of  Tennessee "  to  North  Carolina,  where  Johnston  had  been 
restored  to  command.  He  approved,  and  directed  me  to  send 
forward  the  men  as  rapidly  as  possible.  I  had  long  dismissed 
all  thought  of  the  future.  The  duty  of  a  soldier  in  the  field  is 
simple — to  fight  until  stopped  by  the  civil  arm  of  his  govern- 
ment, or  his  government  has  ceased  to  exist ;  and  military  men 
have  usually  come  to  grief  by  forgetting  this  simple  duty. 

Forrest  had  fought  and  worked  hard  in  this  last  Tennessee 
campaign,  and  his  division  of  cavalry  was  broken  down.  By 
brigades  it  was  distributed  to  different  points  in  the  prairie  and 
cane-brake  regions,  where  forage  could  be  had,  and  I  hoped  for 
time  to  restore  the  cattle  and  refit  the  command.  With  our 
limited  resources  of  transportation,  it  was  a  slow  business  to 
forward  troops  to  Johnston  in  North  Carolina  ;  but  at  length  it 
was  accomplished,  and  the  month  of  March  came  round  to  raise 
the  curtain  for  the  last  act  of  the  bloody  drama.  Two  clouds 
appeared  on  the  horizon  of  my  department.  General  Canby,  a 
steady  soldier,  whom  I  had  long  known,  had  assumed  command 
of  all  the  Federal  forces  in  the  southwest,  and  was  concentrat- 
ing fifty  thousand  men  at  Fort  Morgan  and  Pensacola  against 
Mobile.  In  northern  Alabama  General  "Wilson  had  ten  thou- 
sand picked  mounted  men  ready  for  an  expedition.  At  Selma 
was  a  foundry,  where  the  best  ordnance"  I  have  seen  was  made 
of  Briarsfield  iron,  from  a  furnace  in  the  vicinity ;  and,  as  this 
would  naturally  attract  the  enemy's  attention  to  Selma,  I  en- 
deavored to  prepare  for  him.  The  Cahawba  River,  from  the 
northeast,  enters  the  Alabama  below  Selma,  north  of  which  it 
separates  the  barren  mineral  region  from  the  fertile  lands  of  the 
river  basin;  and  at  its  crossing  I  directed  Forrest  to  concen- 
trate. 

"Wilson,  with  the  smallest  body,  would  probably  move  first ; 
and,  once  disposed  of,  Forrest  could  be  sent  south  of  the  Alabama 


EAST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  219 

River  to  delay  Canby  and  prolong  the  defense  of  Mobile.    For 
a  hundred  miles  north  of  the  gulf  the  country  is  sterile,  pine 
forest  on  a  soil  of  white  sand;  but  the  northern  end  of  the 
Montgomery  and  Pensacola  Railway  was  in  our  possession,  and 
would  enable  us  to  transport  supplies.     In  a  conference  with 
Maury  at  Mobile  I  communicated  the  above  to  him,  as  I  had 
previously  to  Forrest,  and  hastened  to  Selma.     Distributed  for 
forage,  and  still  jaded  by  hard  work,  Forrest  ordered  his  brigades 
to  the  Cahawba  crossing,  leading  one  in  person.    His  whole  force 
would  have  been  inferior  to  Wilson's,  but  he  was  a  host  in  him- 
self, and  a  dangerous  adversary  to  meet  at  any  reasonable  odds. 
Our  information  of  the  enemy  had  proved  extremely  accu- 
rate ;  but  in  this  instance  the  Federal  commander  moved  with 
unusual  rapidity,  and  threw  out  false  signals.     Forrest,  with  one 
weak  brigade,  was  in  the  path ;  but  two  of  his  brigadiers  per- 
mitted themselves  to  be  deceived  by  reports  of  the  enemy's 
movements  toward   Columbus,  Mississippi,  and  turned  west, 
while  another  went  into  camp  under  some  misconception  of 
orders.     Forrest  fought  as  if  the  world  depended  on  his  arm, 
and  sent  to  advise  me  of  the  deceit  practiced  on  two  of  his  bri- 
gades, but  hoped  to  stop  the  enemy  if  he  could  get  up  the  third, 
the  absence  of  which  he  could  not  account  for.     I  directed  such 
railway  plant  as  we  had  to  be  moved  out  on  the  roads,  retaining 
a  small  yard  engine  to  take  me  off  at  the  last  moment.     There 
was  nothing  more  to  be  done.     Forrest  appeared,  horse  and  man 
covered  with  blood,  and  announced  the  enemy  at  his  heels,  and 
that  I  must  move  at  once  to  escape  capture.     I  felt  anxious  for 
him,  but  he  said  he  was  unhurt  and  would  cut  his  way  through, 
as  most  of  his  men  had  done,  whom  he  had  ordered  to  meet  him 
west  of  the  Cahawba.     My  engine  started  toward  Meridian,  and 
barely  escaped.     Before  headway  was  attained  the  enemy  was 
upon  us,  and  capture  seemed  inevitable.     Fortunately,  the  group 
of  horsemen  near  prevented  their  comrades  from  firing,  so  we 
had  only  to  risk  a  fusillade  from  a  dozen,  who  fired  wild.     The 
driver  and  stoker,  both  negroes,  were  as  game  as  possible,  and 
as  we  thundered  across  Cahawba  bridge,,  all  safe,  raised  a  loud 
"  Yah !  yah ! "  of  triumph,  and  smiled  like  two  sable  angels. 


220  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Wilson  made  no  delay  at  Selma,  but,  crossing  the  Alabama 
River,  pushed  on  to  Montgomery,  and  thence  into  Georgia.  I 
have  never  met  this  General  Wilson,  whose  soldierly  qualities 
are  entitled  to  respect;  for  of  all  the  Federal  expeditions  of 
which  I  have  any  knowledge,  his  was  the  best  conducted. 

It  would  have  been  useless  to  pursue  Wilson,  had  there  been 
troops  disposable,  as  many  hundred  miles  intervened  between 
him  and  North  Carolina,  where  Johnston  commanded  the  nearest 
Confederate  forces,  too  remote  to  be  affected  by  his  movements. 
Canby  was  now  before  the  eastern  defenses  of  Mobile,  and  it 
was  too  late  to  send  Forrest  to  that  quarter.  He  was  therefore 
directed  to  draw  together  and  reorganize  his  division  near  Me- 
ridian. 


CHAPTEE    XIII. 

CLOSING   OPERATIONS    OF   THE   WAE — SUEEENDEE. 

On  the  26th  of  March  Canby  invested  Spanish  Fort,  and 
began  the  siege  by  regular  approaches,  a  part  of  his  army  invest- 
ing Blakeley  on  the  same  day.  General  !R.  L.  Gibson,  now  a 
member  of  Congress  from  Louisiana,  held  Spanish  Fort  with 
twenty-five  hundred  men.  Fighting  all  day  and  working  all 
night,  Gibson  successfully  resisted  the  efforts  of  the  immense 
force  against  him  until  the  evening  of  April  8,  when  the  enemy 
effected  a  lodgment  threatening  his  only  route  of  evacuation. 
Under  instructions  from  Maury,  he  withdrew  his  garrison  in 
the  night  to  Mobile,  excepting  his  pickets,  necessarily  left. 
Gibson's  stubborn  defense  and  skillful  retreat  make  this  one  of 
the  best  achievements  of  the  war.  Although  invested  on  the 
26th  of  March,  the  siege  of  Blakeley  was  not  pressed  until  April 
1,  when  Steele's  corps  of  Canby's  army  joined  the  original  force 
before  it.  Here,  with  a  garrison  of  twenty-eight  hundred  men, 
commanded  General  Liddell,  with  General  Cockrell,  now  a 
Senator  from  Missouri,  as  his  second.  Every  assault  of  the 
enemy,  who  made  but  little  progress,  was  gallantly  repulsed 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  9th,  when,  learning  by  the  evacuation 
of  Spanish  Fort  how  small  a  force  had  delayed  him,  he  concen- 
trated on  Blakeley  and  carried  it,  capturing  the  garrison.  Maury 
intended  to  withdraw  Liddell  during  the  night  of  the  9th.  It 
would  have  been  more  prudent  to  have  done  so  on  the  night  of 
the  8th,  as  the  enemy  would  naturally  make  an  energetic  effort 
after  the  fall  of  Spanish  Fort ;  but  he  was  unwilling  to  yield 
any  ground  until  the  last  moment,  and  felt  confident  of  holding 
the  place  another  day.     After  dismantling  his  works,  Maury 


222  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

marched  out  of  Mobile  on  the  12th  of  April,  with  forty-five 
hundred  men,  including  three  field  batteries,  and  was  directed 
to  Cuba  Station,  near  Meridian.  In  the  interest  of  the  thirty- 
thousand  non-combatants  of  the  town,  he  properly  notified  the 
enemy  that  the  place  was  open.  During  the  movement  from 
Mobile  toward  Meridian  occurred  the  last  engagement  of  the 
civil  war,  in  a  cavalry  affair  between  the  Federal  advance  and 
our  rear  guard  under  Colonel  Spence.  Commodore  Farrand 
took  his  armed  vessels  and  all  the  steamers  in  the  harbor  up  the 
Tombigby  River,  above  its  junction  with  the  Alabama,  and 
planted  torpedoes  in  the  stream  below.  Forrest  and  Maury  had 
about  eight  thousand  men,  but  tried  and  true.  Cattle  were 
shod,  wagons  overhauled,  and  every  preparation  for  rapid  move- 
ment made. 

From  the  North,  by  wire  and  courier,  I  received  early  intel- 
ligence of  passing  events.  Indeed,  these  were  of  a  character  for 
the  enemy  to  disseminate  rather  than  suppress.  Before  Maury 
left  Mobile  I  had  learned  of  Lee's  surrender,  rumors  of  which 
spreading  among  the  troops,  a  number  from  the  neighboring 
camps  came  to  see  me.  I  confirmed  the  rumor,  and  told  them 
the  astounding  news,  just  received,  of  President  Lincoln's  assas- 
sination. For  a  time  they  were  silent  with  amazement,  then 
asked  if  it  was  possible  that  any  Southern  man  had  committed 
the  act.  There  was  a  sense  of  relief  expressed  when  they  learned 
that  the  wretched  assassin  had  no  connection  with  the  South, 
but  was  an  actor,  whose  brains  were  addled  by  tragedies  and 
Plutarch's  fables. 

It  was  but  right  to  tell  these  gallant,  faithful  men  the  whole 
truth  concerning  our  situation.  The  surrender  of  Lee  left  us 
little  hope  of  success ;  but  while  Johnston  remained  in  arms 
we  must  be  prepared  to  fight  our  way  to  him.  Again,  the 
President  and  civil  authorities  of  our  Government  were  on  their 
way  to  the  south,  and  might  need  our  protection.  Granting  the 
cause  for  which  we  had  fought  to  be  lost,  we  owed  it  to  our  own 
manhood,  to  the  memory  of  the  dead,  and  to  the  honor  of  our 
arms,  to  remain  steadfast  to  the  last.  This  was  received,  not 
with  noisy  cheers,  but.  solemn  murmurs  of  approval,  showing 


CLOSING  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  WAR.  223 

that  it  was  understood  and  adopted.  Forrest  and  Maury  shared 
my  opinions  and  objects,  and  impressed  them  on  their  men. 
Complete  order  was  maintained  throughout,  and  public  property 
protected,  though  it  was  known  later  that  this  would  be  turned 
over  to  the  Federal  authorities.  A  considerable  amount  of  gold 
was  near  our  camps,  and  safely  guarded ;  yet  it  is  doubtful  if  our 
united  means  would  have  sufficed  to  purchase  a  breakfast. 

Members  of  the  Confederate  Congress  from  the  adjoining 
and  more  western  States  came  to  us.  These  gentlemen  had 
left  Richmond  very  hurriedly,  in  the  first  days  of  April,  and 
were  sorely  jaded  by  fatigue  and  anxiety,  as  the  presence  of 
Wilson's  troops  in  Georgia  had  driven  them  to  by-paths  to 
escape  capture.  Arrived  at  a  well-ordered  camp,  occupied  by  a 
formidable-looking  force,  they  felt  as  storm-tossed  mariners  in  a 
harbor  of  refuge,  and,  ignorant  of  recent  events,  as  well  as  un- 
certain of  the  future,  were  eager  for  news  and  counsel.  The 
struggle  was  virtually  over,  and  the  next  few  days,  perhaps 
hours,  would  decide  my  course.  In  my  judgment  it  would 
speedily  become  their  duty  to  go  to  their  respective  homes. 
They  had  been  the  leaders  of  the  people,  had  sought  and 
accepted  high  office  at  their  hands,  and  it  was  for  them  to  teach 
the  masses,  by  example  and  precept,  how  best  to  meet  impend- 
ing troubles.  Possibly  they  might  suffer  annoyance  and  perse- 
cution from  Federal  power,  but  manhood  and  duty  required 
them  to  incur  the  risk.  To  the  credit  of  these  gentlemen  it 
should  be  recorded  that  they  followed  this  advice  when  the  time 
for  action  came.  There  was  one  exception  which  deserves 
mention. 

Ex-Governor  Harris,  now  a  United  States  Senator  from 
Tennessee,  occupied  the  executive  chair  of  his  State  in  1862, 
and  withdrew  from  Nashville  when  the  army  of  General  Sidney 
Johnston  retreated  to  the  Tennessee  River  in  the  spring  of  that 
year.  By  the  death  of  President  Lincoln,  Andrew  Johnson  had 
succeeded  to  power,  and  he  was  from  Tennessee,  and  the  per- 
sonal enemy  of  Governor  Harris.  The  relations  of  their  State 
with  the  Federal  Union  had  been  restored,  and  Harris's  return 
would  be  productive  of  discord  rather  than  peace.     I  urged  him 


224  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

to  leave  the  country  for  a  time,  and  offered  to  aid  him  in  cross- 
ing the  Mississippi  River;  but  he  was  very  unwilling  to  go, 
and  only  consented  after  a  matter  was  arranged,  which  I  antici- 
pate the  current  of  events  to  relate.  He  had  brought  away 
from  Nashville  the  coin  of  the  Bank  of  Tennessee,  which,  as 
above  mentioned,  was  now  in  our  camp.  An  official  of  the 
bank  had  always  been  in  immediate  charge  of  this  coin,  but 
Harris  felt  that  honor  was  involved  in  its  safe  return.  At  my 
request,  General  Canby  detailed  an  officer  and  escort  to  take  the 
coin  to  Nashville,  where  it  arrived  intact;  but  the  unhappy 
official  accompanying  it  was  incarcerated  for  his  fidelity.  Had 
he  betrayed  his  trust,  he  might  have  received  rewards  instead  of 
stripes.  'Tis  dangerous  to  be  out  of  harmony  with  the  practices 
of  one's  time. 

Intelligence  of  the  Johnston-Sherman  convention  reached 
us,  and  Canby  and  I  were  requested  by  the  officers  making  it  to 
conform  to  its  terms  until  the  civil  authorities  acted.  A  meeting 
was  arranged  to  take  place  a  few  miles  north  of  Mobile,  where 
the  appearance  of  the  two  parties  contrasted  the  fortunes  of  our 
respective  causes.  Canby,  who  preceded  me  at  the  appointed 
spot,  a  house  near  the  railway,  was  escorted  by  a  brigade  with  a 
military  band,  and  accompanied  by  many  officers  in  "  full  fig." 
With  one  officer,  Colonel  "William  Levy,  since  a  member  of  Con- 
gress from  Louisiana,  I  made  my  appearance  on  a  hand-car,  the 
motive  power  of  which  was  two  negroes.  Descendants  of  the 
ancient  race  of  Abraham,  dealers  in  cast-off  raiment,  would  have 
scorned  to  bargain  for  our  rusty  suits  of  Confederate  gray. 
General  Canby  met  me  with  much  urbanity.  We  retired  to  a 
room,  and  in  a  few  moments  agreed  upon  a  truce,  terminable 
after  forty-eight  hours'  notice  by  either  party.  Then,  rejoining 
the  throng  of  officers,  introductions  and  many  pleasant  civilities 
passed.  I  was  happy  to  recognize  Commodore  (afterward 
Admiral)  James  Palmer,  an  old  friend.  He  was  second  to 
Admiral  Thatcher,  commanding  United  States  squadron  in 
Mobile  Bay,  and  had  come  to  meet  me.  A  bountiful  luncheon 
was  spread,  of  which  we  partook,  with  joyous  poppings  of 
champagne  corks  for  accompaniment,  the  first  agreeable  explo- 


CLOSING  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  WAR.  225 

sive  sounds  I  had  heard  for  years.  The  air  of  "  Hail  Columbia," 
which  the  band  in  attendance  struck  up,  was  instantly  changed 
by  Canby's  order  to  that  of  "  Dixie  "  ;  but  I  insisted  on  the  first, 
and  expressed  a  hope  that  Columbia  would  be  again  a  happy 
land,  a  sentiment  honored  by  many  libations. 

There  was,  as  ever,  a  skeleton  at  the  feast,  in  the  person  of 
a  general  officer  who  had  recently  left  Germany  to  become  a 
citizen  and  soldier  of  the  United  States.  This  person,  with  the 
strong  accent  and  idioms  of  the  Fatherland,  comforted  me  by 
assurances  that  we  of  the  South  would  speedily  recognize  our 
ignorance  and  errors,  especially  about  slavery  and  the  rights  of 
States,  and  rejoice  in  the  results  of  the  war.  In  vain  Canby 
and  Palmer  tried  to  suppress  him.  On  a  celebrated  occasion  an 
Emperor  of  Germany  proclaimed  himself  above  grammar,  and 
this  earnest  philosopher  was  not  to  be  restrained  by  canons  of 
taste.  I  apologized  meekly  for  my  ignorance,  on  the  ground 
that  my  ancestors  had  come  from  England  to  Virginia  in  1608, 
and,  in  the  short  intervening  period  of  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
odd  years,  had  found  no  time  to  transmit  to  me  correct  ideas  of 
the  duties  of  American  citizenship.  Moreover,  my  grandfather, 
commanding  the  9th  Virginia  regiment  in  our  Revolutionary 
army,  had  assisted  in  the  defeat  and  capture  of  the  Hessian- 
mercenaries  at  Trenton,  and  I  lamented  that  he  had  not,  by 
association  with  these  worthies,  enlightened  his  understanding. 
My  friend  smiled  blandly,  and  assured  me  of  his  willingness  to 
instruct  me.  Happily  for  the  world,  since  the  days  of  Huss 
and  Luther,  neither  tyranny  nor  taste  can  repress  the  Teutonic 
intellect  in  search  of  truth  or  exposure  of  error.  A  kindly,, 
worthy  people,  the  Germans,  but  wearing  on  occasions. 

The  party  separated,  Canby  for  Mobile,  I  for  Meridian, 
where  within  two  days  came  news  of  Johnston's  surrender  in, 
North  Carolina,  the  capture  of  President  Davis  in  Georgia,, 
and  notice  from  Canby  that  the  truce  must  terminate,  as  his 
Government  disavowed  the  Johnston-Sherman  convention*  I 
informed  General  Canby  that  I  desired  to  meet  him  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiating  a  surrender  of  my  forces,  and  that  Com- 
modore Earrand  would  accompany  me  to  meet  Admiral  Thatcher. 
15 


226  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION 

The  military  and  civil  authorities  of  the  Confederacy  had  fallen, 
and  I  was  called  to  administer  on  the  ruins  as  residuary  legatee. 
It  seemed  absurd  for  the  few  there  present  to  continue  the 
struggle  against  a  million  of  men.  "We  could  only  secure  hon- 
orable interment  for  the  remains  of  our  cause — a  cause  that  for 
four  years  had  fixed  the  attention  of  the  world,  been  baptized 
in  the  blood  of  thousands,  and  whose  loss  would  be  mourned  in 
bitter  tears  by  countless  widows  and  orphans  throughout  their 
lives.  At  the  time,  no  doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of  my  course 
entered  my  mind,  but  such  have  since  crept  in.  Many  Southern 
warriors,  from  the  hustings  and  in  print,  have  declared  that  they 
were  anxious  to  die  in  the  last  ditch,  and  by  implication  were 
restrained  from  so  doing  by  the  readiness  of  their  generals  to 
surrender.  One  is  not  permitted  to  question  the  sincerity  of 
these  declarations,  which  have  received  the  approval  of  public 
opinion  by  the  elevation  of  the  heroes  uttering  them  to  such 
offices  as  the  people  of  the  South  have  to  bestow ;  and  popular 
opinion  in  our  land  is  a  court  from  whose  decisions  there  is  no 
appeal  on  this  side  of  the  grave. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  1865,  at  Citronelle,  forty  miles  north  of 
Mobile,  I  delivered  the  epilogue  of  the  great  drama  in  which  I 
had  played  a  humble  part.  The  terms  of  surrender  demanded 
and  granted  were  consistent  with  the  honor  of  our  arms ;  and  it 
is  due  to  the  memory  of  General  Canby  to  add  that  he  was 
ready  with  suggestions  to  soothe  our  military  pride.  Officers 
retained  their  side  arms,  mounted  men  their  horses,  which  in 
our  service  were  private  property ;  and  public  stores,  ordnance, 
commissary,  and  quartermaster,  were  to  be  turned  over  to  officers 
of  the  proper  departments  and  receipted  for.  Paroles  of  the 
men  were  to  be  signed  by  their  officers  on  rolls  made  out  for 
the  purpose,  and  I  was  to  retain  control  of  railways  and  river 
steamers  to  transport  the  troops  as  nearly  as  possible  to  their 
homes  and  feed  them  on  the  road,  in  order  to  spare  the  destitute 
people  of  the  country  the  burden  of  their  maintenance.  Rail- 
ways and  steamers,  though  used  by  the  Confederate  authorities, 
were  private  property,  and  had  been  taken  by  force  which  the 
owners  could  not  resist ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  not 


CLOSING  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  WAR.  227" 

be  seized  by  civil  jackals  following  the  army  without  special 
orders  from  Washington.  Finally,  I  was  to  notify  Canby  when 
to  send  his  officers  to  my  camp  to  receive  paroles  and  stores. 

Near  the  Tombigby  Biver,  to  the  east  of  Meridian,  were 
many  thousands  of  bales  of  cotton,  belonging  to  the  Confederate 
Government  and  in  charge  of  a  treasury  agent.  It  seemed  to 
me  a  duty  to  protect  public  property  and  transfer  it  to  the 
United  States,  successors  by  victory  to  the  extinct  Confederacy. 
Accordingly,  a  guard  had  been  placed  over  this  cotton,  though 
I  hated  the  very  name  of  the  article,  as  the  source  of  much  cor- 
ruption to  our  people.  Canby  remarked  that  cotton  had  been 
a  curse  to  his  side  as  well,  and  he  would  send  to  New  Orleans 
for  a  United  States  Treasury  agent,  so  that  we  might  rid  our- 
selves of  this  at  the  earliest  moment.  The  conditions  of  sur- 
render written  out  and  signed,  we  had  some  conversation  about 
the  state  of  the  country,  disposition  of  the  people,  etc.  I  told 
him  that  all  were  weary  of  strife,  and  he  would  meet  no  opposi- 
tion in  any  quarter,  and  pointed  out  places  in  the  interior  where 
supplies  could  be  had,  recommending  him  to  station  troops  at 
such  places.  I  was  persuaded  that  moderation  by  his  officers 
and  men  would  lead  to  intercourse,  traffic,  and  good  feeling 
with  the  people.  He  thanked  me  for  the  suggestions,  and 
adopted  them. 

The  Governors  of  Mississippi  and  Alabama,  Clarke  and  "Watts, 
had  asked  for  advice  in  the  emergency  produced  by  surrender, 
which  they  had  been  informed  was  impending,  and  I  thought 
their  best  course  would  be  to  summon  their  State  Legislatures. 
These  would  certainly  provide  for  conventions  of  the  people  to 
repeal  ordinances  of  secession  and  abolish  slavery,  thus  smooth- 
ing the  way  for  the  restoration  of  their  States  to  the  Union. 
Such  action  would  be  in  harmony  with  the  theory  and  practice 
of  the  American  system,  and  clear  the  road  of  difficulties.  The 
North,  by  its  Government,  press,  and  people,  had  been  declaring 
for  years  that  the  war  was  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
and  for  nothing  else,  and  Canby  and  I,  in  the  innocence  of  our 
hearts,  believed  it.  As  Canby  thought  well  of  my  plan,  I 
communicated  with  the  Governors,  who  acted  on  it ;  but  the 


228  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

"Washington  authorities  imprisoned  them  for  abetting  a  new 
rebellion. 

Returned  to  Meridian,  I  was  soon  ready  for  the  Federal 
officers,  who  came  quietly  to  our  camp  and  entered  on  their 
appointed  work;  and  I  have  now  in  my  possession  receipts  given 
by  them  for  public  stores.  Meanwhile,  I  received  from  Canby 
a  letter  informing  me  that  he  had  directed  two  of  his  corps 
commanders,  Generals  Steele  and  Granger,  to  apply  to  me  for 
#  instructions  concerning  the  movement  of  their  troops,  as  to  time, 
places,  and  numbers.  It  was  queer  for  one  to  be  placed  in 
quasi  command  of  soldiers  that  he  had  been  fighting  for  four 
years,  and  to  whom  he  had  surrendered ;  but  I  delicately  made 
some  suggestions  to  these  officers,  which  were  adopted. 

"With  two  or  three  staff  officers,  I  remained  at  Meridian 
until  the  last  man  had  departed,  and  then  went  to  Mobile. 
General  Canby  most  considerately  took  me,  Tom,  and  my  two 
horses  on  his  boat  to  New  Orleans ;  else  I  must  have  begged 
my  way:  The  Confederate  paper  (not  currency,  for  it  was 
without  exchangeable  value)  in  my  pocket  would  not  have 
served  for  traveling  expenses ;  and  my  battered  old  sword 
could  hardly  be  relied  on  for  breakfasts,  dinners,  and  horse 
feed. 

After  an  absence  of  four  years,  I  saw  my  native  place  and 
home,  New  Orleans.  My  estate  had  been  confiscated  and  sold, 
and  I  was  without  a  penny.  The  man  of  TJz  admitted  that 
naked  he  came  into  the  world,  and  naked  must  leave  it ;  but 
to  find  himself  naked  in  the  midst  of  it  tried  even  his  patience. 
My  first  care  was  to  sell  my  horses,  and  a  purchaser  was  found 
who  agreed  to  take  and  pay  for  them  the  following  morning. 
I  felt  somewhat  eager  to  get  hold  of  the  "  greenbacks,"  and  suf- 
fered for  my  avarice.  The  best  horse,  one  that  had  carried  me 
many  a  weary  mile  and  day  without  failing,  could  not  move  a 
hoof  when  the  purchaser  came  to  take  him.  Like  other  vet- 
erans, long  unaccustomed  to  abundance  of  prog,  he  had  overfed 
and  was  badly  foundered.  Fortunately,  the  liveryman  proposed 
to  take  this  animal  as  a  consideration  for  the  keep  of  the  two, 
and  the  price  received  for  the  other  would  suffice  to  bring  my 


CLOSING  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  WAR.  229 

wife  and  children  from  the  Eed  River  to  New  Orleans,  and  was 
sent  to  them  for  that  purpose. 

Awaiting  the  arrival  of  my  family,  I  had  a  few  days  of  rest 
at  the  house  of  an  old  friend,  when  Generals  Price,  Buckner, 
and  Brent  came  from  Shreveport,  the  headquarters  of  the 
"  Trans-Mississippi  Department,"  under  flag  of  truce,  and  sent 
for  me.  They  reported  a  deplorable  condition  of  affairs  in  that 
region.  Many  of  the  troops  had  taken  up  the  idea  that  it  was 
designed  to  inveigle  them  into  Mexico,  and  were  greatly  in- 
censed. Some  generals  of  the  highest  rank  had  found  it  con- 
venient to  fold  their  tents  and  quietly  leave  for  the  Bio  Grande ; 
others,  who  remained,  were  obliged  to  keep  their  horses  in  their 
quarters  and  guard  them  in  person ;  and  numbers  of  men  had 
disbanded  and  gone  off.  By  a  meeting  of  officers,  the  gentlemen 
present  were  deputed  to  make  a  surrender  and  ask  for  Federal 
troops  to  restore  order.  The  officers  in  question  requested  me 
to  he  present  at  their  interview  with  General  Canby,  who  also 
invited  me,  and  I  witnessed  the  conclusion.  So,  from  the 
Charleston  Convention  to  this  point,  I  shared  the  fortunes  of  the 
Confederacy,  and  can  say,  as  Grattan  did  of  Irish  freedom,  that 
I  "  sat  by  its  cradle  and  followed  its  hearse." 

For  some  weeks  after  my  return  to  New  Orleans,  I  had 
various  occasions  to  see  General  Canby  on  matters  connected 
with  the  surrender,  and  recall  no  instance  in  which  he  did  not 
conform  to  my  wishes.  Narrow  perhaps  in  his  view,  and  harsh 
in  discharge  of  duty,  he  was  just,  upright,  and  honorable,  and 
it  was  with  regret  that  I  learned  of  his  murder  by  a  band  of 
Modoc  savages. 


CHAPTEE   XIY. 

CRITICISMS    AND    EEFLECTTONS. 

The  military  collapse  of  the  South  was  sudden  and  unex- 
pected to  the  world  without,  but  by  no  means  so  to  some  within. 
I  happen  to  know  that  one  or  two  of  our  ablest  and  most  trusted 
generals  concurred  with  me  in  opinion  that  the  failure  at  Get- 
tysburg and  the  fall  of  Yicksburg  in  July,  1863,  should  have 
taught  the  Confederate  Government  and  people  the  necessity  of 
estimating  the  chances  for  defeat ;  but  soldiers  in  the  field  can 
not  give  utterance  to  such  opinions  unless  expressly  solicited  by 
the  civil  head  of  their  government,  and  even  then  are  liable  to 
misconstruction. 

Of  many  of  the  important  battles  of  the  civil  war  I  have 
written,  and  desire  to  dwell  somewhat  on  Shiloh,  but  will  first 
say  a  few  words  about  Gettysburg,  because  of  recent  publica- 
tions thereanent. 

Some  facts  concerning  this  battle  are  established  beyond  dis- 
pute. In  the  first  day's  fighting  a  part  of  Lee's  army  defeated 
a  part  of  Meade's.  Intending  to  continue  the  contest  on  that 
field,  a  commander  not  smitten  by  idiocy  would  desire  to  con- 
centrate and  push  the  advantage  gained  by  previous  success  and 
its  resultant  morale.  But,  instead  of  attacking  at  dawn,  Lee's 
attack  was  postponed  until  afternoon  of  the  following  day,  in 
consequence  of  the  absence  of  Longstreet's  corps.  Federal 
official  reports  show  that  some  of  Meade's  corps  reached  him  on 
the  second  day,  several  hours  after  sunrise,  and  one  or  two  late 
in  the  afternoon.  It  is  positively  asserted  by  many  officers  pres- 
ent, and  of  high  rank  and  character,  that  Longstreet  was  nearer 
to  Lee  on  the  first  day  than  Meade's  reenforcing  corps  to  their 


CRITICISMS  AND  REFLECTIONS.  231 

chief,  and  even  nearer  than  a  division  of  Ewell's  corps,  which 
reached  the  field  in  time  to  share  in  the  first  day's  success. 
Now,  it  nowhere  appears  in  Lee's  report  of  Gettysburg  that  he 
ordered  Longstreet  to  him  or  blamed  him  for  tardiness ;  but  his 
report  admits  errors,  and  quietly  takes  the  responsibility  for 
them  on  his  own  broad  shoulders.  A  recent  article  in  the  pub- 
lic press,  signed  by  General  Longstreet,  ascribes  the  failure  at 
Gettysburg  to  Lee's  mistakes,  which  he  (Longstreet)  in  vain 
pointed  out  and  remonstrated  against.  That  any  subject  in- 
volving the  possession  and  exercise  of  intellect  should  be  clear 
to  Longstreet  and  concealed  from  Lee,  is  a  startling  proposition 
to  those  having  knowledge  of  the  two  men.  "We  have  Biblical 
authority  for  the  story  that  the  angel  in  the  path  was  visible  to 
the  ass,  though  unseen  by  the  seer  his  master ;  but  suppose,  in- 
stead of  smiting  the  honest,  stupid  animal,  Balaam  had  caressed 
him  and  then  been  kicked  by  him,  how  would  the  story  read  ? 
And  thus  much  concerning  Gettysburg. 

Shiloh  was  a  great  misfortune.  At  the  moment  of  his  fall 
Sidney  Johnston,  with  all  the  energy  of  his  nature,  was  press- 
ing on  the  routed  foe.  Crouching  under  the  bank  of  the  Ten- 
nessee River,  Grant  was  helpless.  One  short  hour  more  of  life 
to  Johnston  would  have  completed  his  destruction.  The  second 
in  command,  Beauregard,  was  on  another  and  distant  part  of 
the  field,  and  before  he  could  gather  the  reins  of  direction  dark- 
ness fell  and  stopped  pursuit.  During  the  night  Buell  reached 
the  northern  bank  of  the  river  and  crossed  his  troops.  "Wallace, 
with  a  fresh  division,  got  up  from  below.  Together,  they  ad- 
vanced in  the  morning,  found  the  Confederates  rioting  in  the 
plunder  of  captured  camps,  and  drove  them  back  with  loss. 
But  all  this  was  as  nothing  compared  to  the  calamity  of  John- 
ston's death. 

Educated  at  "West  Point,  Johnston  remained  for  eight  years 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  acquired  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  details  of  military  duty.  Resigning  to  aid 
the  cause  of  the  infant  Republic  of  Texas,  he  became  her  Adju- 
tant-General, Senior  Brigadier,  and  Secretary  of  "War.  During 
our  contest  with  Mexico,  he  raised  a  regiment  of  Texans  to  join 


232  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

General  Zachary  Taylor,  and  was  greatly  distinguished  in  the 
fighting  around  and  capture  of  Monterey.  General  Taylor,  with 
whom  the  early  years  of  his  service  had  "been  passed,  declared 
him  to  be  the  best  soldier  he  had  ever  commanded.  More  than 
once  I  have  heard  General  Zachary  Taylor  express  this  opinion. 
Two  cavalry  regiments  were  added  to  the  United  States  army 
in  1854,  and  to  the  colonelcy  of  one  of  these  Johnston  was  ap- 
pointed. Subsequently,  a  brigadier  by  brevet,  he  commanded 
the  expedition  against  the  Mormons  in  Utah. 

Thus  he  brought  to  the  Southern  cause  a  civil  and  military 
experience  surpassing  that  of  any  other  leader..  Born  in  Ken- 
tucky, descended  from  an  honorable  colonial  race,  connected  by 
marriage  with  influential  families  in  the  West,  where  his  life 
had  been  passed,  he  was  peculiarly  fitted  to  command  western 
armies.  With  him  at  the  helm,  there  would  have  been  no 
Yicksburg,  no  Missionary  Ridge,  no  Atlanta.  His  character 
was  lofty  and  pure,  his  presence  and  demeanor  dignified  and 
courteous,  with  the  simplicity  of  a  child;  and  he  at  once  in- 
spired the  respect  and  gained  the  confidence  of  cultivated  gen- 
tlemen and  rugged  frontiersmen. 

Besides,  he  had  passed  through  the  furnace  of  ignorant 
newspapers,  hotter  than  that  of  the  Babylonian  tyrant.  Com- 
manding some  raw,  unequipped  forces  at  Bowling  Green,  Ken- 
tucky, the  habitual  American  exaggeration  represented  him  as 
at  the  head  of  a  vast  army  prepared  and  eager  for  conquest. 
Before  time  was  given  him  to  organize  and  train  his  men,  the 
absurdly  constructed  works  on  his  left  flank  were  captured.  At 
Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland  were  certain  political  gen- 
erals, who,  with  a  self-abnegation  worthy  of  Plutarch's  heroes, 
were  anxious  to  get  away  and  leave  the  glory  and  renown  of 
defense  to  others.  Johnston  was  in  no  sense  responsible  for 
the  construction  of  the  forts,  nor  the  assignment  to  their  com- 
mand of  these  self-denying  warriors ;  but  his  line  of  communi- 
cation was  uncovered  by  their  fall,  and  he  was  compelled  to  re- 
tire to  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tennessee  Eiver.  From  the 
enlighteners  of  public  opinion  a  howl  of  wrath  came  forth,  and 
Johnston,  who  had  just  been  Alexander,  Hannibal,  Caesar,  Na- 


CRITICISMS  A3$T>  REFLECTIONS.  233 

poleon,  was  now  a  miserable  dastard  and  traitor,  unfit  to  com- 
mand a  corporal's  guard.  President  Davis  sought  to  console 
him,  and  some  of  the  noblest  lines  ever  penned  by  man  were 
written  by  Johnston  in  reply.  They  even  wrung  tears  of  re- 
pentance from  the  pachyderms  who  had  attacked  him,  and  will 
be  a  text  and  consolation  to  future  commanders,  who  serve  a 
country  tolerant  of  an  ignorant  and  licentious  press.  Like  pure 
gold,  he  came  forth  from  the  furnace  above  the  reach  of  slan- 
der, the  foremost  man  of  all  the  South ;  and  -had  it  been  possi- 
ble for  one  heart,  one  mind,  and  one  arm  to  save  her  cause,  she 
lost  them  when  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  fell  on  the  field  of 
Shiloh. 

As  soon  after  the  war  as  she  was  permitted,  the  Common- 
wealth of  Texas  removed  his  remains  from  New  Orleans,  to 
inter  them  in  a  land  he  had  long  and  faithfully  served.  I  was 
honored  by  a  request  to  accompany  the  coffin  from  the  ceme- 
tery to  the  steamer;  and  as  I  gazed  upon  it  there  arose  the 
feeling  of  the  Theban  who,  after  the  downfall  of  the  glory  and 
independence  of  his  country,  stood  by  the  tomb  of  Epaminondas. 

"Amid  the  clash  of  arms  laws  are  silent,"  and  so  was  Con- 
federate statesmanship ;  or  at  least,  of  its  objects,  efforts,  and 
expectations  little  is  known,  save  the  abortive  mission  of  Messrs. 
Stevens,  Hunter,  and  Campbell  to  Fortress  Monroe  in  the  last 
months  of  the  struggle,  and  about  this  there  has  recently  been 
an  unseemly  wrangle. 

The  followers  of  the  Calhoun  school,  who  controlled  the 
Government,  held  the  right  of  secession  to  be  too  clear  for  dis- 
cussion. The  adverse  argument  of  Mr.  "Webster,  approved  by 
a  large  majority  of  the  Northern  people,  was  considered  to  be 
founded  on  lust  of  power,  not  on  reason.  The  governments  of 
western  Europe,  with  judgments  unclouded  by  selfishness, 
would  at  once  acknowledge  it.  France,  whose  policy  since  the 
days  of  the  eleventh  Louis  had  been  one  of  intense  centraliza- 
tion, and  Germany  and  Italy,  whose  hopes  and  aspirations  were 
in  the  same  direction,  would  admit  it,  while  England  would  rot 
be  restrained  by  anti-slavery  sentiment.  Indeed,  the  statesmen 
of  these  countries  had  devoted  much  time  to  the  study  of  the 


234  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  knew  that  it  was  a  compact, 
and  were  in  complete  harmony  with  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn. There  was  to  be  no  revolution,  for  this,  though  justified 
by  oppression,  involved  the  recognition  of  some  measure  of  ob- 
ligation to  the  Union,  from  which  the  right  to  secede  was  mani- 
fest. Hence  the  haste  to  manufacture  a  paper  constitution,  in 
which  the  powers  of  different  departments  were  as  carefully 
weighed  as  are  dangerous  drugs  by  dispensing  chemists.  Hence 
two  houses  of  Congress,  refuge  for  mischievous  twaddlers  to 
worry  the  executive  and  embarrass  the  armies.  Hence  the  Gov- 
ernor Browns,  who,  reasoning  that  one  State  had  as  much  right 
to  disagree  with  eleven  as  eleven  with  twenty,  declared  each  of 
their  hamlets  of  more  importance  than  the  cities  of  others. 
"While  the  sections  were  marching  through  the  streets,  with 
pikes  crowned  by  gory  heads,  and  clamoring  for  more,  Sieyes 
had  his  pockets  stuffed  with  constitutions  and  felt  that  his  coun- 
try was  safe.  It  is  not  pretended  that  these  ideas  were  enter- 
tained by  the  larger  part  of  the  Southern  people,  or  were  con- 
fessed by  the  ruling  minority ;  but  they  existed,  nevertheless, 
under  different  forms. 

Aggrieved  by  the  action  and  tendencies  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, and  apprehending  worse  in  the  future,  a  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  South  approved  secession  as  the  only  remedy 
suggested  by  their  leaders.  So  travelers  enter  railway  carriages, 
and  are  dragged  up  grades  and  through  tunnels  with  utter  loss 
of  volition,  the  motive  power,  generated  by  fierce  heat,  being 
far  in  advance  and  beyond  their  control. 

"We  set  up  a  monarch,  too,  King  Cotton,  and  hedged  him 
with  a  divinity  surpassing  that  of  earthly  potentates.  To  doubt 
his  royalty  and  power  was  a  confession  of  ignorance  or  cowar- 
dice. This  potent  spirit,  at  the  nod  of  our  Prosperos,  the  cotton- 
planters,  would  arrest  every  loom  and  spindle  in  New  England, 
destroy  her  wealth,  and  reduce  her  population  to  beggary.  The 
power  of  Old  England,  the  growth  of  eight  hundred  years,  was 
to  wither  as  the  prophet's  gourd  unless  she  obeyed  its  behests. 
And  a  right  "  tricksy  spirit "  it  proved  indeed.  There  was  a 
complete  mental  derangement  on  this  subject.     The  Government 


CRITICISMS  AND  REFLECTIONS.  235 

undertook  to  own  all  cotton  that  could  be  exported.  Four  mil- 
lions of  bales,  belonging  to  many  thousands  of  individuals,  could 
be  disposed  of  to  better  advantage  by  the  Government  than  by 
the  proprietors ;  and  this  was  enforced  by  our  authorities,  whose 
ancestors  for  generations  had  been  resisting  the  intrusion  of 
governments  into  private  business.  All  cotton,  as  well  as  naval 
stores,  that  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  enemy's  possession, 
was,  by  orders  based  on  legislative  enactment,  to  be  burned ; 
and  this  policy  continued  to  the  end.  It  was  fully  believed 
that  this  destruction  would  appall  our  enemies  and  convince  the 
world  of  our  earnestness.  Possibly  there  was  a  lurking  idea 
that  it  was  necessary  to  convince  ourselves. 

In  their  long  struggle  for  independence,  the  Dutch  trafficked 
freely  with  the  Spaniards,  got  rich  by  the  trade,  paid  enormous 
taxes  to  support  the  war,  and  achieved  their  liberty.  But  the 
Dutch  fought  to  rid  themselves  of  a  tyrant,  while  our  first  care 
was  to  set  up  one,  Cotton,  and  worship  it.  Rules  of  common 
sense  were  not  applicable  to  it.  The  Grand  Monarque  could 
not  eat  his  dinners  or  take  his  emetics  like  ordinary  mortals. 
Our  people  were  much  debauched  by  it.  I  write  advisedly,  for 
during  the  last  two  and  a  half  years  of  the  war  I  commanded  in 
the  State  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and  Alabama,  the  great  pro- 
ducing States.  Out-post  officers  would  violate  the  law,  and 
trade.  In  vain  were  they  removed;  the  temptation  was  too 
strong,  and  their  successors  did  the  same.  The  influence  on  the 
women  was  dreadful,  and  in  many  cases  their  appeals  were  heart- 
rending, Mothers  with  suffering  children,  whose  husbands  were 
in  the  war  or  already  fallen,  would  beseech  me  for  permits  to 
take  cotton  through  the  lines.  It  was  useless  to  explain  that  it 
was  against  law  and  orders,  and  that  I  was  without  authority  to 
act.  This  did  not  give  food  and  clothing  to  their  children,  and 
they  departed,  believing  me  to  be  an  unfeeling  brute.  In  fact, 
the  instincts  of  humanity  revolted  against  this  folly. 

It  is  with  no  pleasure  that  I  have  dwelt  on  the  foregoing 
topics,  but  the  world  can  not  properly  estimate  the  fortitude  of 
the  Southern  people  unless  it  understands  and  takes  account  of 
the  difficulties  under  which  they  labored.     Yet,  great  as  were 


236  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

their  sufferings  during  the  war,  they  were  as  nothing  compared 
to  those  inflicted  upon  them  after  its  close. 

Extinction  of  slavery  was  expected  by  all  and  regretted  by 
none,  although  loss  of  slaves  destroyed  the  value  of  land.  Ex- 
isting since  the  earliest  colonization  of  the  Southern  States,  the 
institution  was  interwoven  with  the  thoughts,  habits,  and  daily 
lives  of  both  races,  and  both  suffered  by  the  sudden  disruption 
of  the  accustomed  tie.  Bank  stocks,  bonds,  all  personal  prop- 
erty, all  accumulated  wealth,  had  disappeared.  Thousands  of 
houses,  farm-buildings,  work-animals,  flocks  and  herds,  had  been 
wantonly  burned,  killed,  or  carried  off.  The  land  was  filled 
with  widows  and  orphans  crying  for  aid,  which  the  universal 
destitution  prevented  them  from  receiving.  Humanitarians 
shuddered  with  horror  and  wept  with  grief  for  the  imaginary 
woes  of  Africans ;  but  their  hearts  were  as  adamant  to  people 
of  their  own  race  and  blood.  These  had  committed  the  un- 
pardonable sin,  had  wickedly  rebelled  against  the  Lord's  an- 
ointed, the  majority.  Blockaded  during  the  war,  and  without 
journals  to  guide  opinion  and  correct  error,  we  were  unceasingly 
slandered  by  our  enemies,  who  held  possession  of  every  avenue 
to  the  world's  ear. 

Famine  and  pestilence  have  ever  followed  war,  as  if  our 
Mother  Earth  resented  the  defilement  of  her  fair  bosom  by  blood, 
and  generated  fatal  diseases  to  punish  humanity  for  its  crimes. 
But  there  fell  upon  the  South  a  calamity  surpassing  any  re- 
corded in  the  annals  or  traditions  of  man.  An  article  in  the 
"  North  American  Review,"  from  the  pen  of  Judge  Black,  well 
describes  this  new  curse,  the  carpet-baggers,  as  worse  than  Attila, 
scourge  of  God.  He  could  only  destroy  existing  fruits,  while, 
by  the  modern  invention  of  public  credit,  these  caterans  stole 
the  labor  of  unborn  generations.  Divines,  moralists,  orators, 
and  poets  throughout  the  North  commended  their  thefts  and 
bade  them  God-speed  in  spoiling  the  Egyptians ;  and  the  reign 
of  these  harpies  is  not  yet  over.  Driven  from  the  outworks, 
they  hold  the  citadel.  The  epithet  of  August,  first  applied  to 
the  mighty  Julius  and  to  his  successor  Octavius,  was  continued, 
by  force  of  habit,  to  the  slobbering  Claudius  ;  and  so  of  the  Sen- 


CRITICISMS  AND  REFLECTIONS.  237 

ate  of  the  United  States,  which  august  body  contained  in  March 
last  several  of  these  freebooters.  Honest  men  regarded  them 
as  monsters,  generated  in  the  foul  ooze  of  a  past  era,  that  had 
escaped  destruction  to  linger  in  a  wholesomer  age ;  and  their 
speedy  extinction  was  expected,  when  another,  the  most  hideous 
of  the  species,  was  admitted.  This  specimen  had  been  kept  by 
force  of  bayonets  for  four  years  upon  the  necks  of  an  unwilling 
people,  had  no  title  to  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  was  notoriously 
despised  by  every  inhabitant  of  the  State  which  he  was  seated 
to  misrepresent.  The  Senators  composing  the  majority  by 
which  this  was  done  acted  under  solemn  oaths  to  do  the  right ; 
but  the  Jove  of  party  laughs  at  vows  of  politicians.  Twelve 
years  of  triumph  have  not  served  to  abate  the  hate  of  the  vic- 
tors in  the  great  war.  The  last  presidential  canvass  was  but  a 
crusade  of  vengeance  against  the  South.  The  favorite  candidate 
of  his  party  for  the  nomination,  though  in  the  prime  of  vigor, 
had  not  been  in  the  field,  to  which  his  eloquent  appeals  sent 
thousands,  but  preferred  the  pleasanter  occupation  of  making 
money  at  home.  He  had  converted  the  power  of  his  great 
place,  that  of  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  into 
lucre,  and  was  exposed.  By  mingled  chicanery  and  audacity  he 
obtained  possession  of  his  own  criminating  letters,  flourished 
them  in  the  face  of  the  House,  and,  in  the  Cambyses  vein,  called 
on  his  people  to  rally  and  save  the  luster  of  his  loyalty  from  soil 
at  the  hands  of  rebels ;  and  they  came.  From  all  the  North 
ready  acclaims  went  up,  and  women  shed  tears  of  joy,  such  as 
in  King  Arthur's  day  rewarded  some  peerless  deed  of  Galahad. 
In  truth,  it  was  a  manly  thing  to  hide  dishonorable  plunder  be- 
neath the  prostrate  body  of  the  South.  The  Emperor  Corn- 
modus,  in  full  panoply,  met  in  the  arena  disabled  and  unarmed 
gladiators.  The  servile  Romans  applauded  his  easy  victories. 
Ancient  Pistol  covers  with  patches  the  ignoble  scabs  of  a  cor- 
rupt life.  The  vulgar  herd  believes  them  to  be  wounds  re- 
ceived in  the  Gallic  wars,  as  it  once  believed  in  the  virtue  and 
patriotism  of  Marat  and  Barrere. 

In  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  the  Divine  Moralist  instructed 
his  hearers  to  forgive  those  who  had  injured  them;  but  He 


238  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION". 

knew  too  well  the  malice  of  the  human  heart  to  expect  them  to 
forgive  those  whom  they  had  injured.  The  leaders  of  the  radi- 
cal masses  of  the  North  have  inflicted  such  countless  and  cruel 
wrongs  on  the  Southern  people  as  to  forbid  any  hope  of  dis- 
position or  ability  to  forgive  their  victims ;  and  the  land  will 
have  no  rest  until  the  last  of  these  persecutors  has  passed  into 
oblivion. 

During  all  these  years  the  conduct  of  the  Southern  people 
has  been  admirable.  Submitting  to  the  inevitable,  they  have 
shown  fortitude  and  dignity,  and  rarely  has  one  been  found 
base  enough  to  take  wages  of  shame  from  the  oppressor  and 
maligner  of  his  brethren.  Accepting  the  harshest  conditions 
and  faithfully  observing  them,  they  have  struggled  in  all  honor- 
able ways,  and  for  what  ?  For  their  slaves  ?  Regret  for  their 
loss  has  neither  been  felt  nor  expressed.  But  they  have  striven 
for  that  which  brought  our  forefathers  to  Runnymede,  the  privi- 
lege of  exercising  some  influence  in  their  own  government. 
Yet  we  fought  for  nothing  but  slavery,  says  the  world,  and  the 
late  Yice-President  of  the  Confederacy,  Mr.  Alexander  Ste- 
phens, reechoes  the  cry,  declaring  that  it  was  the  corner-stone 
of  his  Government. 


CHAPTEK    XV. 

KECONSTKUCTTON   UNDER  -JOHNSON". 

The  following  considerations  induced  me  to  make  a  pilgrim- 
age to  Washington,  where,  by  accident  of  fortune,  I  had  a  larger 
acquaintance  with  influential  politicians  than  other  Southern 
commanders.  When  the  Whig  party  dissolved,  most  of  its  North- 
ern members  joined  the  Republicans,  and  now  belonged  to  the 
reigning  faction ;  and  I  had  consorted  with  many  of  them  while 
my  father  was  President  and  afterward. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  imprisonment  of  Governors 
Clarke  and  "Watts  for  adopting  my  advice,  and  it  was  but  right 
for  me  to  make  an  effort  to  have  them  released.  Moreover, 
Jefferson  Davis  was  a  prisoner  in  irons,  and  it  was  known  that 
his  health  was  feeble.  Lee,  Johnston,  and  I,  with  our  officers 
and  men,  were  at  large,  protected  by  the  terms  of  our  surrenders 
— terms  which  General  Grant  had  honorably  prevented  the  civil 
authorities  from  violating.  If  Mr.  Davis  had  sinned,  we  all 
were  guilty,  and  I  could  not  rest  without  making  an  attempt 
for  his  relief. 

At  the  time,  it  was  understood  that  prisoners  on  parole  should 
not  change  their  residence  without  military  permission,  and  leave 
to  go  to  ISTew  Tork  was  asked  and  obtained  of  General  Canby. 
By  steamer  I  reached  that  place  in  a  week,  and  found  that  Gen- 
eral Dix  had  just  been  relieved  by  General  Hooker,  to  whom  I 
at  once  reported.  He  uttered  a  shout  of  welcome  (we  were  old 
acquaintances),  declared  that  he  was  more  pleased  to  see  me 
than  to  see  a  church  (which  was  doubtless  true),  made  hospitable 
suggestions  of  luncheon,  champagne,  etc.,  and  gave  me  a  per- 
mit to  go  to  Washington,  regretting  that  he  could  not  keep  me 


240  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

with  him. .  A  warm-hearted  fellow  is  "fighting  Joe,"  who  car- 
ried on  war  like  a  soldier. 

In  Washington,  at  Willard's — a  huge  inn,  filled  from  garret 
to  cellar  with  a  motley  crowd — an  acquaintance,  whom  I  chanced 
to  meet,  informed  me  that  a  recent  disturbance  had  induced  the 
belief  of  the  existence  of  a  new  plot  for  assassination,  and  an 
order  had  been  published  forbidding  rebels  to  approach  the 
capital  without  the  permission  of  the  War  Secretary.  Having 
been  at  sea  for  a  week,  I  knew  nothing  of  this,  and  Hooker  had 
not  mentioned  it  when  he  gave  me  the  permit  to  come  to  Wash- 
ington. My  informant  apprehended  my  arrest,  and  kindly  un- 
dertook to  protect  me.  Through  his  intervention  I  received 
from  the  President,  Andrew  Johnson,  permission  to  stay  or  go 
where  I  chose,  with  an  invitation  to  visit  him  at  a  stated  time. 

Presenting  myself  at  the  "  White  House,"  I  was  ushered  in 
to  the  President — a  saturnine  man,  who  made  no  return  to  my 
bow,  but,  after  looking  at  me,  asked  me  to  take  a  seat.  Upon 
succeeding  to  power  Mr.  Johnson  breathed  fire  and  hemp  against 
the  South,  proclaimed  that  he  would  make  treason  odious  by 
hanging  traitors,  and  ordered  the  arrest  of  General  Lee  and 
others,  when  he  was  estopped  by  the  action  of  General  Grant. 
He  had  now  somewhat  abated  his  wolfish  desire  for  vengeance, 
and  asked  many  questions  about  the  condition  of  the  South, 
temper  of  the  people,  etc.  I  explained  the  conduct  of  Gover- 
nors Clarke  and  Watts,  how  they  were  imprisoned  for  following 
my  advice,  submitted  to  and  approved  by  General  Canby,  who 
would  hardly  have  abetted  a  new  rebellion ;  and  he  made  mem- 
oranda of  their  cases,  as  well  as  of  those  of  many  other  prisoners, 
confined  in  different  forts  from  Boston  to  Savannah,  all  of  whom 
were  released  within  a  short  period.  Fearing  to  trespass  on 
his  time,  I  left  with  a  request  that  he  would  permit  me  to  call 
again,  as  I  had  a  matter  of  much  interest  to  lay  before  him,  and 
was  told  the  hours  at  which  I  would  be  received. 

Thence  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Seward,  who  in  for- 
mer Whig  times,  as  Senator  from  New  York,  had  been  a  warm 
supporter  of  my  father's  administration.  He  greeted  me  cor- 
dially, and  asked  me  to  dine.     A  loin  of  veal  was  the  piece  de 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  241 

resistance  of  his  dinner,  and  lie  called  attention  to  it  as  evidence 
that  he  had  killed  the  fatted  calf  to  welcome  the  returned  prodi- 
gal. Though  not  entirely  recovered  from  the  injuries  received 
in  a  fall  from  his  carriage  and  the  wounds  inflicted  by  the  knife 
of  Payne,  he  was  cheerful,  and  appeared  to  sympathize  with  the 
objects  of  my  mission — at  least,  so  far  as  I  could  gather  his 
meaning  under  the  cloud  of  words  with  which  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  cover  the  slightest  thought.  One  or  two  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  to  whom  Mr.  Seward  presented  me,  were 
also  favorably  inclined.  One,  the  War  Secretary,  I  did  not 
meet.  A  spy  under  Buchanan,  a  tyrant  under  Lincoln,  and  a 
traitor  to  Johnson,  this  man  was  as  cruel  and  crafty  as  Domi- 
tian.  I  never  saw  him.  In  the  end  conscience,  long  dormant, 
came  as  Alecto,  and  he  was  not ;  and  the  temple  of  Justice,  on 
whose  threshold  he  stood,  escaped  profanation. 

In  a  second  interview,  President  Johnson  heard  the  wish  I 
had  so  much  at  heart,  permission  to  visit  Jefferson  Davis.  He 
pondered  for  some  time,  then  replied  that  I  must  wait  and  call 
again. 

Meantime,  an  opportunity  to  look  upon  the  amazing  specta- 
cle presented  by  the  dwellers  at  the  capital  was  afforded.  The 
things  seen  by  the  Pilgrims  in  a  dream  were  at  this  Yanity 
Pair  visible  in  the  flesh :  "  all  such  merchandise  sold  as  houses, 
lands,  trades,  places,  honors,  preferments,  states,  lusts,  pleasures ; 
and  delights  of  all  sorts,  as  bawds,  wives,  husbands,  children, 
masters,  servants,  lives,  blood,  bodies,  souls,  greenbacks,  pearls, 
precious  stones,  and  what  not."  The  eye  of  the  inspired  tinker 
had  pierced  the  darkness  of  two  hundred  years,  and  seen  what 
was  to  come.  The  martial  tread  of  hundreds  of  volunteer  gen- 
erals, just  disbanded,  resounded  in  the  streets.  Gorged  with 
loot,  they  spent  it  as  lavishly  as  Morgan's  buccaneers  after  the 
sack  of  Panama.  Their  women  sat  at  meat  or  walked  tha  high- 
ways, resplendent  in  jewels,  spoil  of  Southern  matrons.  The 
camp-followers  of  the  army  were  here  in  high  carnival,  and  in 
character  and  numbers  rivaled  the  attendants  of  Xerxes.  Oour^ 
tesans  swarmed  everywhere,  about  the  inns,  around  the  Capitol, 
in  the  antechambers  of  the  "  White  House,"  and.  were,  brokers. 
16 


242  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

for  the  transaction  of  all  business.  Of  a  tolerant  disposition 
and  with  a  wide  experience  of  earthly  wickedness,  I  did  not  feel 
called  upon  to  cry  aloud  against  these  enormities,  remembering 
the  fate  of  Faithful ;  but  I  had  some  doubts  concerning  divine 
justice;  for  why  were  the  "cities  of  the  Plain"  overthrown 
and  this  place  suffered  to  exist  ? 

The  officers  of  the  army  on  duty  at  "Washington  were  very 
civil  to  me,  especially  General  Grant,  whom  I  had  known  prior 
to  and  during  the  Mexican  war,  as  a  modest,  amiable,  but  by  no 
means  promising  lieutenant  in  a  marching  regiment.  He  came 
frequently  to  see  me,  was  full  of  kindness,  and  anxious  to  pro- 
mote my  wishes.  His  action  in  preventing  violation  of  the 
terms  of  surrender,  and  a  subsequent  report  that  he  made  of 
the  condition  of  the  South — a  report  not  at  all  pleasing  to  the 
radicals — endeared  him  to  all  Southern  men.  Indeed,  he  was  in 
a  position  to  play  a  role  second  only  to  that  of  Washington,  who 
founded  the  republic ;  for  he  had  the  power  to  restore  it.  His 
bearing  and  conduct  at  this  time  were  admirable,  modest  and 
generous ;  and  I  talked  much  with  him  of  the  noble  and  benefi- 
cent work  before  him.  While  his  heart  seemed  to  respond,  he 
declared  his  ignorance  of  and  distaste  for  politics  and  politicians, 
with  which  and  whom  he  intended  to  have  nothing  to  do,  but 
confine  himself  to  his  duties  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 
Yet  he  expressed  a  desire  for  the  speedy  restoration  of  good 
feeling  between  the  sections,  and  an  intention  to  advance  it  in 
all  proper  ways.  We  shall  see  when  and  under  what  influences 
he  adopted  other  views. 

The  President  put  me  off  from  day  to  day,  receiving  me  to 
talk  about  Southern  affairs,  but  declining  to  give  an  answer  to 
my  requests.  I  found  that  he  always  postponed  action,  and  was 
of  an  obstinate,  suspicious  temper.  Like  a  badger,  one  had  to 
dig  him  out  of  his  hole  ;  and  he  was  ever  in  one  except  when  on 
the  hustings,  addressing  the  crowd.  Of  humble  birth,  a  tailor 
by  trade,  nature  gave  him  a  strong  intellect,  and  he  had  learned 
to  read  after  his  marriage.  He  had  acquired  much  knowledge 
of  the  principles  of  government,  and  made  himself  a  fluent 
speaker,  but  could  not  rise  above  the  level  of  the  class  in  which 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  243 

he  was  born  and  to  which  he  always  appealed.  He  well  under- 
stood the  few  subjects  laboriously  studied,  and  affected  to  despise 
other  knowledge,  while  suspicious  that  those  possessing  such 
would  take  advantage  of  him.  Self-educated  men,  as  they  are 
called,  deprived  of  the  side  light  thrown  on  a  particular  subject 
by  instruction  in  cognate  matters,  are  narrow  and  dogmatic,  and, 
with  an  uneasy  consciousness  of  ignorance,  soothe  their  own 
vanity  by  underrating  the  studies  of  others.  To  the  vanity. of 
this  class  he  added  that  of  the  demagogue  (I  use  the  term  in  its 
better  sense),  and  called  the  wise  policy  left  him  by  his  prede- 
cessor "  my  policy."  Compelled  to  fight  his  way  up  from  ob- 
scurity, he  had  contracted  a  dislike  of  those  more  favored  of 
fortune,  whom  he  was  in  the  habit  of  calling  "  the  slave-aris- 
tocracy," and  became  incapable  of  giving  his  confidence  to  any 
one,  even  to  those  on  whose  assistance  he  relied  in  a  contest, 
just  now  beginning,  with  the  Congress. 

President  Johnson  never  made  a  dollar  by  public  office,  ab- 
stained from  quartering  a  horde  of  connections  on  the  Treasury, 
refused  to  uphold  rogues  in  high  places,  and  had  too  just  a  con- 
ception of  the  dignity  of  a  chief  magistrate  to  accept  presents. 
It  may  be  said  that  these  are  humble  qualities  for  a  citizen  to 
boast  the  possession  of  by  a  President  of  the  United  States. 
As  well  claim  respect  for  a  woman  of  one's  family  on  the 
ground  that  she  has  preserved  her  virtue.  Yet  all  whose  eyes 
were  not  blinded  by  partisanship,  whose  manhood  was  not  emas- 
culated by  servility,  would  in  these  last  years  have  welcomed 
the  least  of  them  as  manna  in  the  desert. 

The  President,  between  whom  and  the  Congressional  leaders 
the  seeds  of  discord  were  already  sown,  dallied  with  me  from 
day  to  day,  and  at  length  said  that  it  would  spare  him  embar- 
rassment if  I  could  induce  Stevens,  Davis,  and  others  of  the 
House,  and  Sumner  of  the  Senate,  to  recommend  the  permission 
to  visit  Jefferson  Davis ;  and  I  ■  immediately  addressed  myself 
to  this  unpleasant  task. 

Thaddeus  Stevens  received  me  with  as  much  civility  as  he  was 
capable  of.  Deformed  in  body  and  temper  like  Caliban,  this 
was  the  Lord  Hategood  of  the  fair ;  but  he  was  frankness  itself. 


244  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

He  wanted  no  restoration  of  the  Union  under  the  Constitution, 
which  he  called  a  worthless  bit  of  old  parchment.  The  white 
people  of  the  South  ought  never  again  to  be  trusted  with  power, 
for  they  would  inevitably  unite  with  the  Northern  "Copper- 
heads "  and  control  the  Government.  The  only  sound  policy 
was  to  confiscate  the  lands  and  divide  them  among  the  negroes, 
to  whom,  sooner  or  later,  suffrage  must  be  given.  Touching 
the  matter  in  hand,  Johnson  was  a  fool  to  have  captured  Davis, 
whom  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  assist  in  escaping.  Nothing 
would  be  done  with  him,  as  the  executive  had  only  pluck  enough 
to  hang  two  poor  devils  such  as  Wirtz  and  Mrs.  Surratt.  Had 
the  leading  traitors  been  promptly  strung  up,  well ;  but  the  time 
for  that  had  passed.  (Here,  I  thought,  he  looked  lovingly  at 
my  neck,  as  Petit  Andre  was  wont  to  do  at  those  of  his  merry- 
go-rounds.)  He  concluded  by  saying  that  it  was  silly  to  refuse 
me  permission  to  visit  Jefferson  Davis,  but  he  would  not  say 
so  publicly,  as  he  had  no  desire  to  relieve  Johnson  of  respon- 
sibility. 

There  was  no  excuse  for  longer  sporting  with  this  radical 
Amaryllis  either  in  shade  or  in  sunshine ;  so  I  sought  Henry 
"Winter  Davis.  Like  the  fallen  angel,  Davis  preferred  to  rule 
in  hell  rather  than  serve  in  heaven  or  on  earth.  With  the  head 
of  Medusa  and  the  eye  of  the  Basilisk,  he  might  have  repre- 
sented Siva  in  a  Hindoo  temple,  and  was  even  more  inaccessible 
to  sentiment  than  Thaddeus  Stevens.  Others,  too  numerous 
and  too  insignificant  to  particularize,  were  seen.  These  were 
the  cuttle-fish  of  the  party,  whose  appointed  duty  it  was  to  ob- 
scure popular  vision  by  clouds  of  loyal  declamation.  As  Sicilian 
banditti  prepare  for  robberies  and  murders  by  pious  offerings 
on  shrines  of  favorite  saints,  these  brought  out  the  altar  of  the 
"nation,"  and  devoted  themselves  afresh,  whenever  "Credits 
Mobiliers "  and  kindred  enormities  were  afoot,  and  sharpened 
every  question  of  administration,  finance,  law,  taxation,  on  the 
grindstone  of  sectional  hate.  So  sputtering  tugs  tow  from  her 
moorings  the  stately  ship,  to  send  her  forth  to  winds  and  waves 
of  ocean,  caring  naught  for  the  cargo  with  which  she  is  freighted, 
but,  grimy  in  zeal  to  earn  fees,  return  to  seek  another. 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  245 

Hopeless  of  obtaining  assistance  from  such  statesmen,  I  vis- 
ited Mr.  Charles  Sumner,  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  who  re- 
ceived me  pleasantly.  A  rebel,  a  slave-driver,  and,  without  the 
culture  of  Boston,  ignorant,  I  was  an  admirable  vessel  into 
which  he  could  pour  the  inexhaustible  stream  of  his  acquired 
eloquence.  I  was  delighted  to  listen  to  beautiful  passages  from 
the  classic  as  well  as  modern  poets,  dramatists,  philosophers, 
and  orators,  and  recalled  the  anecdote  of  the  man  sitting  un- 
der a  fluent  divine,  who  could  not  refrain  from  muttering, 
"  That  is  Jeremy  Taylor  ;  that,  South  ;  that,  Barrow,'"  etc.  It 
was  difficult  to  suppress  the  thought,  while  Mr.  Sumner  was 
talking,  "  That  is  Burke,  or  Howard,  "Wilberforce,  Brougham, 
Macaulay,  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  Exeter  Hall,"  etc.  ;  but  I 
failed  to  get  down  to  the  particular  subject  that  interested  me. 
The  nearest  approach  to  the  practical  was  his  disquisition  on 
negro  suffrage,  which  he  thought  should  be  accompanied  by 
education.  I  ventured  to  suggest  that  negro  education  should 
precede  suffrage,  observing  that  some  held  the  opinion  that  the 
capacity  of  the  white  race  for  government  was  limited,  although 
accumulated  and  transmitted  through  many  centuries.  He 
replied  that  "  the  ignorance  of  the  negro  was  due  to  the  tyranny 
of  the  whites,"  which  appeared  in  his  view  to  dispose  of  the 
question  of  the  former's  incapacity.  He  seemed  over-educated — 
had  retained,  not  digested  his  learning ;  and  beautiful  flowers 
of  literature  were  attached  to  him  by  filaments  of  memory,  as 
lovely  orchids  to  sapless  sticks.  Hence  he  failed  to  understand  the 
force  of  language,  and  became  the  victim  of  his  own  metaphors, 
mistaking  them  for  facts.  He  had  the  irritable  vanity  and 
weak  nerves  of  a  woman,  and  was  bold  to  rashness  in  specula- 
tion, destitute  as  he  was  of  the  ordinary  masculine  sense  of 
responsibility.  Yet  I  hold  him  to  have  been  the  purest  and 
most  sincere  man  of  his  party.  A  lover,  nay,  a  devotee  of  lib- 
erty, he  thoroughly  understood  that  it  could  only  be  preserved 
by  upholding  the  supremacy  of  civil  law,  and  would  not  sanc- 
tion the  garrison  methods  of  President  Grant.  Without  vin- 
dictiveness,  he  forgave  his  enemies  as  soon  as  they  were  over- 
thrown, and  one  of  the  last  efforts  of  his  life  was  to  remove 


246  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

from  the  flag  of  a  common  country  all  records  of  victories  that 
perpetuated  the  memory  of  civil  strife. 

Foiled  in  this  direction,  I  worried  the  President,  as  old 
Mustard  would  a  stot,  until  he  wrote  the  permission  so  long 
solicited.  By  steamer  from  Baltimore  I  went  down  Chesapeake 
Bay,  and  arrived  at  Fortress  Monroe  in  the  early  morning. 
General  Burton,  the  commander,  whose  civility  was  marked, 
and  who  bore  himself  like  a  gentleman  and  soldier,  received  me 
on  the  dock  and  took  me  to  his  quarters  to  breakfast,  and  to 
await  the  time  to  see  Mr.  Davis. 

It  was  with  some  emotion  that  I  reached  the  casemate  in 
which  Mr.  Davis  was  confined.  There  were  two  rooms,  in  the 
outer  of  which,  near  the  entrance,  stood  a  sentinel,  and  in  the 
inner  was  Jefferson  Davis.  We  met  in  silence,  with  grasp  of 
hands.  After  an  interval  he  said,  "  This  is  kind,  but  no  more 
than  I  expected  of  you."  Pallid,  worn,  gray,  bent,  feeble,  suf- 
fering from  inflammation  of  the  eyes,  he  was  a  painful  sight  to 
a  friend.  He  uttered  no  plaint,  and  made  no  allusion  to  the 
irons  (which  had  been  removed)  ;  said  the  light  kept  all  night 
in  his  room  hurt  his  eyes  a  little,  and,  added  to  the  noise  made 
every  two  hours  by  relieving  the  sentry,  prevented  much  sleep ; 
but  matters  had  changed  for  the  better  since  the  arrival  of  Gen- 
eral Burton,  who  was  all  kindness,  and  strained  his  orders  to  the 
Utmost  in  his  behalf.  I  told  him  of  my  reception  at  "Washing- 
ton by  the  President,  Mr.  Seward,  and  others,  of  the  attentions 
of  Generals  Grant  and  Humphreys,  who  promoted  my  wish  to 
see  him,  and  that  with  such  aid  I  was  confident  of  obtaining 
permission  for  his  wife  to  stay  with  him.  I  could  solicit  favors 
for  him,  having  declined  any  for  myself.  Indeed,  the  very 
accident  of  position,  that  enabled  me  to  get  access  to  the  gov- 
erning authorities,  made  indecent  even  the  supposition  of  my 
acceptance  of  anything  personal  while  a  single  man  remained 
under  the  ban  for  serving  the  Southern  cause  ;  and  therefore  I 
had  no  fear  of  misconstruction.  Hope  of  meeting  his  family 
cheered  him  much,  and  he  asked  questions  about  the  condition 
and  prospects  of  the  South,  which  I  answered  as  favorably  as 
possible,  passing  over  things  that  would  have  grieved  him.     In 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  247 

some  way  lie  had  learned  of  attacks  on  his  character  and  con- 
duct, made  by  some  Southern  curs,  thinking  to  ingratiate  them- 
selves with  the  ruling  powers.  I  could  not  deny  this,  but  re- 
marked that  the  curse  of  unexpected  defeat  and  suffering  was 
to  develop  the  basest  passions  of  the  human  heart.  Had  he 
escaped  out  of  the  country,  it  was  possible  he  might  have  been 
made  a  scapegoat  by  the  Southern  people,  and,  great  as  were 
the  sufferings  that  he  had  endured,  they  were  as  nothing  to 
coward  stabs  from  beloved  hands.  The  attacks  mentioned  were 
few,  and  too  contemptible  for  notice ;  for  now  his  calamities  had 
served  to  endear  him  to  all.  I  think  that  he  derived  consola- 
tion from  this  view. 

The  day  passed  with  much  talk  of  a  less  disturbing  charac- 
ter, and  in  the  evening  I  returned  to  Baltimore  and  "Washing- 
ton. After  some  delay  Mr.  Davis's  family  was  permitted  to 
join  him,  and  he  speedily  recovered  strength.  Later  I  made  a 
journey  or  two  to  Richmond,  Virginia,  on  business  connected 
with  his  trial,  then  supposed  to  be  impending. 

The  slight  service,  if  simple  discharge  of  duty  can  be  so 
called,  I  was  enabled  to  render  Mr.  Davis,  was  repaid  ten  thou- 
sand fold.  In  the  month  of  March,  1875,  my  devoted  wife  was 
released  from  suffering,  long  and  patiently  endured,  originating 
in  grief  for  the  loss  of  her  children  and  exposure  during  the 
war.  Smitten  by  this  calamity,  to  which  all  that  had  gone 
before  seemed  as  blessings,  I  stood  by  her  coffin,  ere  it  was 
closed,  to  look  for  the  last  time  upon  features  that  death  had 
respected  and  restored  to  their  girlish  beauty.  Mr.  Davis  came 
to  my  side,  and  stooped  reverently  to  touch  the  fair  brow,  when 
the  tenderness  of  his  heart  overcame  him  and  he  burst  into  tears. 
His  example  completely  unnerved  me  for  the  time,  but  was  of 
service  in  the  end.  For  many  succeeding  days  he  came  to  me, 
and  was  as  gentle  as  a  young  mother  with  her  suffering  infant. 
Memory  will  ever  recall  Jefferson  Davis  as  he  stood  with  me  by 
the  coffin. 

Duty  to  imprisoned  friends  and  associates  discharged,  I  re- 
turned to  New  Orleans,  and  remained  for  some  weeks,  when  an 
untoward  event  occurred,  productive   of  grave  consequences. 


24:8  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  saints  and  martyrs  who  have  attained  worldly  success  have 
rarely  declined  to  employ  the  temporal  means  of  sinners. 
"While  calling  on  Hercules,  they  put  their  own  shoulders  to  the 
wheel,  and,  in  the  midst  of  prayer,  keep  their  powder  dry. 
To  prepare  for  the  reelection  of  President  Lincoln  in  1864, 
pretended  State  governments  had  been  set  up  by  the  Federal 
military  in  several  Southern  States,  where  fragments  of  terri- 
tory were  occupied.  In  the  event  of  a  close  election  in  the 
North,  the  electoral  votes  in  these  manufactured  States  would 
be  under  the  control  of  the  executive  authority,  and  serve  to 
determine  the  result.-  For  some  years  the  Southern  States  were 
used  as  thimble-riggers  use  peas  :  now  they  were  under  the  cup 
of  the  Union,  and  now  they  were  out.  During  his  reign  in 
New  Orleans  the  Federal  General  Banks  had  prepared  a  Lou- 
isiana pea  for  the  above  purpose. 

At  this  time  negro  suffrage,  as  yet  an  unaccomplished  pur- 
pose, was  in  the  air,  and  the  objective  point  of  radical  effort. 
To  aid  the  movement,  surviving  accomplices  of  the  Banks  fraud 
were  instigated  to  call  a  "  State  Contention  "  in  Louisiana,  though 
with  no  more  authority  so  to  do  than  they  had  to  call  the  Brit- 
ish Parliament.  The  people  of  New  Orleans  regarded  the  en- 
terprise as  those  of  London  did  the  proposed  meeting  of  tailors 
in  Tooley  street ;  and  just  before  this  debating  society  was  to 
assemble,  the  Federal  commander,  General  Sheridan,  selected 
especially  to  restrain  the  alleged  turbulent  population  of  the 
city,  started  on  an  excursion  to  Texas,  proving  that  he  attached 
no  importance  to  the  matter  and  anticipated  no  disturbance. 

Living  in  close  retirement,  I  had  forgotten  all  about  the 
"Convention."  Happening  to  go  to  the  center  of  the  town, 
from  my  residence  in  the  upper  suburb,  the  day  on  which  it 
met,  on  descending  from  the  carriage  of  the  tramway  I  heard 
pistol  shots  and  saw  a  crowd  of  roughs,  Arabs,  and  negroes  run- 
ning across  Canal  Street.  I  walked  in  the  direction  of  the  noise 
to  inquire  the  cause  of  excitement,  as  there  was  nothing  visible 
to  justify  it.  The  crowd  seemed  largely  composed  of  boys  of 
from  twelve  to  fifteen,  and  negroes.  I  met  no  acquaintance, 
and  could  obtain  no  information,  when  a  negro  came  flying  past, 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  249 

pursued  by  a  white  boy,  certainly  not  above  fifteen  years  of  age, 
with  a  pistol  in  hand.  I  stopped  the  boy  without  difficulty,  and 
made  him  tell  what  he  was  up  to.  He  said  the  niggers  were 
having  a  meeting  at  Mechanics'  Institute  to  take  away  his  vote. 
"When  asked  how  long  he  had  enjoyed  that  inestimable  right  of 
a  freeman,  the  boy  gave  it  up,  pocketed  his  "Derringer,"  and 
walked  off. 

By  this  time  the  row  appeared  to  be  over,  so  I  went  on  my 
way  without  seeing  the  building  called  Mechanics'  Institute,  as 
it  was  around  the  corner  near  which  the  boy  was  stopped.  Speed- 
ily the  town  was  filled  with  excitement,  and  Baird,  the  Federal 
commander  in  the  absence  of  Sheridan,  occupied  the  streets 
with  troops  and  arrested  the  movements  of  citizens.  Many  poor 
negroes  had  been  killed  most  wantonly,  indignation  ran  high 
among  decent  people,  and  the  perpetrators  of  the  bloody  deeds 
deserved  and  would  have  received  swift,  stern  punishment  had 
civil  law  been  permitted  to  act.  But  this  did  not  suit  the  pur- 
poses of  the  radicals,  who  rejoiced  as  Torquemada  might  have 
done  when  the  discovery  of  a  score  of  heretics  furnished  him 
an  excuse  to  torment  and  destroy  a  province.  Applying  the 
theory  of  the  detective  police,  that  among  the  beneficiaries  of 
crime  must  be  sought  the  perpetrators,  one  would  conclude  that 
the  radical  leaders  prompted  the  assassination  of  Lincoln  and 
the  murder  of  negroes ;  for  they  alone  derived  profit  from  these 
acts. 

From  this  time  forth  the  entire  white  race  of  the  South  de- 
voted itself  to  the  killing  of  negroes.  It  appeared  to  be  an  in- 
herent tendency  in  a  slave-driver  to  murder  a  negro.  It  was  a 
law  of  his  being,  as  of  the  monkey's  to  steal  nuts,  and  could  not 
be  resisted.  Thousands  upon  thousands  were  slain.  Favorite 
generals  kept  lists  in  their  pockets,  proving  time,  place,  and 
numbers,  even  to  the  smallest  piccaninny.  Nay,  such  was  the 
ferocity  of  the  slave-drivers,  that  unborn  infants  were  ripped 
from  their  mothers'  wombs.  Probably  these  sable  Macduffs 
were  invented  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their  race  on  tyrants 
protected  by  Satanic  devices  from  injury  at  the  hands  of  Africans 
of  natural  birth.     Individual  effort  could  not  suffice  the  rage 


250  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION 

for  slaughter,  and  the  ancient  order  of  "  assassins  "  was  revived, 
with  an  "  Old  Man  "  of  the  swamps  at  its  head.  Thus  "  Ku- 
KLux"  originated,  and  covered  the  land  with  a  network  of 
crime.  Earnest,  credulous  women  in  New  England  had  their 
feelings  lacerated  by  these  stories,  in  which  they  as  fondly  be- 
lieved as  their  foremothers  in  Salem  witches. 

As  crocodiles  conceal  their  prey  until  it  becomes  savory  and 
tender  and  ripe  for  eating,  so  the  Radicals  kept  these  dark  corpses 
to  serve  up  to  the  public  when  important  elections  approached, 
or  some  especial  villainy  was  to  be  enacted  by  the  Congress. 
People  who  had  never  been  south  of  the  Potomac  and  Ohio 
Rivers  knew  all  about  this  "  Ku-Klux  " ;  but  I  failed,  after  many 
inquiries,  to  find  a  single  man  in  the  South  who  ever  heard  of 
it,  saving  in  newspapers.  Doubtless  there  were  many  acts  of 
violence.  When  ignorant  negroes,  instigated  by  pestilent  emis- 
saries, went  beyond  endurance,  the  whites  killed  them  ;  and  this 
was  to  be  expected.  The  breed  to  which  these  whites  belong 
has  for  eight  centuries  been  the  master  of  the  earth  wherever 
it  has  planted  its  foot.  A  handful  conquered  and  holds  in  sub- 
jection the  crowded  millions  of  India.  Another  and  smaller 
bridles  the  fierce  Cafire  tribes  of  South  Africa.  Place  but  a 
score  of  them  on  the  middle  course  of  the  Congo,  and  they  will 
rule  unless  exterminated ;  and  all  the  armies  and  all  the  human- 
itarians can  not  change  this,  until  the  appointed  time  arrives  for 
Ham  to  dominate  Japhet. 

Two  facts  may  here  be  stated.  Just  in  proportion  as  the 
whites  recovered  control  of  their  local  governments,  in  that  pro- 
portion negroes  ceased  to  be  killed ;  and  when  it  was  necessary 
to  Radical  success  to  multiply  negro  votes,  though  no  census  was 
taken,  formal  statistics  were  published  to  prove  large  immigra- 
tion of  negroes  into  the  very  districts  of  slaughter.  Certainty 
of  death  could  not  restrain  the  colored  lambs,  impelled  by  an 
uncontrollable  ardor  to  vote  the  radical  ticket,  from  traveling  to 
the  wolves.  Such  devotion  deserved  the  tenderest  consideration 
of  Christian  men  and  women,  and  all  means  of  protection  and 
loving  care  were  due  to  this  innocent,  credulous  race.  A  great 
bureau,  the  Freedmen's,  was  established,  and  in  connection  with 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  251 

it,  at  the  seat  of  government,  a  bank.  It  was  of  importance  to 
teach  the  freedmen,  nnused  to  responsibility,  industry  and  econ- 
omy ;  and  the  bank  was  to  encourage  these  virtues  by  affording 
a  safe  place  of  deposit  for  their  small  savings.  To  make  assur- 
ance doubly  sure,  the  "  Christian  soldier  of  the  United  States 
army  "  was  especially  selected  to  keep  the  money,  and  he  did 
— so  securely,  in  point  of  fact,  that  it  is  to  be  apprehended  the 
unfortunate  depositors  will  never  see  it  more.  After  so  brilliant 
an  experience  in  banking,  prudence  might  have  suggested  to 
this  officer  the  wisdom  of  retiring  from  public  view.  Fortune 
is  sometimes  jealous  of  great  reputations  and  fresh  laurels.  The 
success  of  his  first  speech  prevented  "  Single-speech  Hamilton  " 
from  rising  again  in  the  House  of  Commons ;  Frederick  failed 
to  repeat  Kossbach,  and  Napoleon,  Austerlitz ;  but  the  "  Christian 
soldier  "  rushed  on  his  fate,  and  met  it  at  the  hands  of  the  Nez 
Perces.  The  profound  strategy,  the  skillful  tactics,  the  ready 
valor  that  had  extinguished  bank  balances,  all  failed  against  this 
wily  foe. 

While  the  excitement  growing  out  of  the  untoward  event 
mentioned  was  at  its  height,  President  Johnson  summoned  me 
to  Washington,  where  1  explained  all  the  circumstances,  as  far 
as  I  knew  them,  of  the  recent  murders,  and  urged  him  to  send 
General  Hancock  to  command  in  New  Orleans.  He  was  sent, 
and  immediately  restored  order  and  confidence.  A  gentleman, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  dashing  officers  of  the  United 
States  army,  General  Hancock  recognizes  both  the  great  duties 
of  a  soldier  of  the  Eepublic — to  defend  its  flag  and  obey  its 
laws,  discharging  the  last  with  a  fidelity  equal  to  his  devotion 
to  the  first  in  front  of  battle. 

The  contest  between  the  Congress  and  the  President  now 
waxed  fierce,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens,  from  his  place  in  the 
House,  denounced  "  the  man  at  the  other  end  of  the  avenue." 
The  President  had  gone  back  to  wise,  lawful  methods,  and 
desired  to  restore  the  Union  under  the  Constitution ;  and  in 
this  he  was  but  following  the  policy  declared  in  his  last  public 
utterance  by  President  Lincoln.  Mr.  Johnson  could  establish 
this  fact  by  members  of  his  predecessor's  Cabinet  whom  he  had 


252  DESTEUCTION  AND  KECONSTKUCTION'. 

retained,  and  thus  strengthen  his  position ;  bnt  his  vanity  for- 
bade him,  so  he  called  it  "  my  policy,"  as  if  it  were  something 
new. 

At  his  instance,  I  had  many  interviews  with  him,  and  con- 
sulted influential  men  from  different  parts  of  the  country.  His 
Secretary  of  War  was  in  close  alliance  with  his  enemies  in  the 
Congress,  and  constantly  betraying  him.  This  was  susceptible 
of  proof,  and  I  so  informed  the  President,  and  pointed  out  that, 
so  far  from  assisting  the  people  of  the  South,  he  was  injuring 
them  by  inaction ;  for  the  Congress  persecuted  them  to  worry 
him.  He  was  President  and  powerful ;  they  were  weak  and 
helpless.  In  truth,  President  Johnson,  slave  to  his  own  temper 
and  appetites,  was  unfit  to  control  others. 

General  Grant  yet  appeared  to  agree  with  me  about  "  recon- 
struction," as  it  was  called  ;  and  I  was  anxious  to  preserve  good 
feeling  on  his  part  toward  the  President.  In  the  light  of  sub- 
sequent events,  it  is  curious  to  recall  the  fact  that  he  complained 
of  Stanton's  retention  in  the  Cabinet,  because  the  latter's  greed 
of  power  prevented  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  from 
controlling  the  most  minute  details  without  interference.  I 
urged  this  on  the  President  as  an  additional  motive  for  dismiss- 
ing his  War  Secretary  and  replacing  him  by  some  one  agreeable 
to  General  Grant ;  but  all  in  vain.  This  official  "  old  man  of 
the  sea "  kept  his  seat  on  the  Presidential  neck,  never  closing 
crafty  eye  nor  traitorous  mouth,  and  holding  on  with  the  tena- 
city of  an  octopus. 

Many  moderate  and  whilom  influential  Eepublicans  deter- 
mined to  assemble  in  convention  at  Philadelphia,  and  invited 
delegates  from  all  parts,  North  and  South,  to  meet  them.  The 
object  was  to  promote  good  feeling  and  an  early  restoration  of 
the  Union,  and  give  aid  to  the  President  in  his  struggle  with 
extremists.  Averse  to  appearing  before  the  public,  I  was  re- 
luctant to  go  to  this  Convention  ;  but  the  President,  who  felt  a 
deep  interest  in  its  success,  insisted,  and  I  went.  It  was  largely 
attended,  and  by  men  who  had  founded  and  long  led  the  Free- 
soil  party.    Ex-members  of  Lincoln's  first  Cabinet,  Senators  and 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  253 

members  of  the  Congress,  editors  of  Republican  newspapers 
(among  whom  was  Henry  J.  Raymond,  the  ablest  political  edi- 
tor of  the  day  and  an  eminent  member  of  Congress  as  well), 
Southern  men  who  had  fought  for  the  Confederacy,  were  there. 
Northern  Republicans  and  Democrats,  long  estranged,  buried 
the  political  hatchet  and  met  for  a  common  purpose,  to  restore 
the  Union.  Negro-worshipers  from  Massachusetts  and  slave- 
drivers  from  South  Carolina  entered  the  vast  hall  arm  in  arm. 
The  great  meeting  rose  to  its  feet,  and  walls  and  roof  shook 
with  applause.  General  John  A.  Dix  of  New  York  called  the 
Convention  to  order,  and,  in  an  eloquent  and  felicitous  speech, 
stated  the  objects  of  the  assembly — to  renew  fraternal  feeling 
between  the  sections,  heal  the  wounds  of  war,  obliterate  bitter 
memories,  and  restore  the  Union  of  the  fathers.  Senator  Doo- 
little  of  Wisconsin  was  chosen  permanent  president,  and  patri- 
otic resolutions  were  adopted  by  acclamation.  All  this  was  of 
as  little  avail  as  the  waving  of  a  lady's  fan  against  a  typhoon. 
Radical  wrath  uprose  and  swept  these  Northern  men  out  of 
political  existence,  and  they  were  again  taught  the  lesson  that 
is  ever  forgotten,  namely,  that  it  is  an  easy  task  to  inflame  the 
passions  of  the  multitude,  an  impossible  one  to  arrest  them. 
From  selfish  ambition,  from  thoughtless  zeal,  from  reckless  par- 
tisanship, from  the  low  motives  governing  demagogues  in  a 
countiy  of  universal  suffrage,  men  are  ever  sowing  the  wind, 
thinking  they  can  control  the  whirlwind  ;  and  the  story  of  the 
Gironde  and  the  Mountain  has  been  related  in  vain. 

The  President  was  charmed  with  the  Convention.  Believ- 
ing the  people — his  god — to  be  with  him,  his  crest  rose,  and  he 
felt  every  inch  a  President.  Again  I  urged  him  to  dismiss  his 
"War  Secretary  and  replace  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  now 
in  disfavor  with  his  own  creation,  the  Radical  party,  by  General 
Dix,  who  was  rewarded  for  his  services  at  Philadelphia  by  the 
appointment  of  Naval  Officer  at  New  York.  He  was  an  excep- 
tion to  the  rule  above  mentioned.  A  more  cautious  pilot  than 
Palinurus,  this  respectable  person  is  the  "  Yicar  of  Bray "  of 
American  politics  ;  and  like  that  eminent  divine,  his  creeds  sit 


254:  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

so  lightly  as  to  permit  him  to  take  office  under  all  circumstances. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  closing  weeks  of  President 
Buchanan,  he  aroused  the  North  by  sending  his  immortal  dis- 
patch to  the  commander  of  a  revenue  cutter :  "  If  any  man 
attempts  to  haul  down  the  American  nag,  shoot  him  on  the 
spot."  This  bespoke  the  heart  of  the  patriot,  loving  his  coun- 
try's banner,  and  the  arm  of  the  hero,  ready  to  defend  it ;  and, 
clad  in  this  armor  of  proof,  he  has  since  been  invulnerable.  The 
President  took  kindly  to  the  proposition  concerning  General 
Dix,  and  I  flattered  myself  that  it  would  come  off,  when  sud- 
denly the  General  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to 
France.  I  imagine  that  Mr.  Seward  had  got  wind  of  the  pro- 
ject and  hurried  Dix  out  of  the  way.  Thus,  in  a  few  days 
General  Dix  had  the  offer  of  the  Netherlands,  Naval  Office, 
and  France.  "  Glamis,  and  thane  of  Cawdor "  ;  and  his  old 
age  is  yet  so  green,  mayhap  "  the  greatest  is  behind." 

To  air  his  eloquence  and  enlighten  the  minds  of  his  dear 
people,  the  President  made  a  tour  through  the  North  and  West, 
in  which  his  conduct  and  declarations  were  so  extraordinary  as 
to  defeat  any  hopes  of  success  for  "  my  policy." 

A  circumstance  connected  with  the  Philadelphia  Convention 
made  an  impression  on  me  at  the  time.  Mr.  Raymond  was  edi- 
tor of  the  "  New  York  Times,"  the  most  powerful  Republican 
journal  in  the  North.  Among  many  who  had  gained  large 
wealth  by  speculations  during  the  war  was  Mr.  Leonard  Jerome, 
a  Republican  in  politics.  This  gentleman  spent  his  fortune  so 
lavishly  that  his  acquaintances  and  the  public  shared  its  enjoy- 
ment. "With  other  property,  Mr.  Jerome  owned  the  controlling 
interest  in  the  "  Times,"  then  very  valuable.  Dining  in  New 
York  with  him  and  Mr.  Raymond,  the  latter  told  me  it  was  use- 
less to  support  the  President,  who  was  daily  becoming  more 
unpopular,  and  that  the  circulation  and  influence  of  his  paper 
were  rapidly  diminishing  in  consequence  of  his  adherence  to 
"  my  policy."  Whereupon  Mr.  Jerome  replied :  "  I  know  but 
little  about  politics ;  but  if  you  think  it  right  to  stand  by  the 
President,  I  will  pay  all  losses  that  the  '  Times '  may  suffer  to 
the  other  proprietors."     This  was  unselfish  and  patriotic ;  and  I 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  JOHNSON.  255 

record  it  with  the  more  pleasure,  because  Mr.  Jerome  has  lost 
much  of  his  wealth,  and  I  fear,  like  many  another  Timon,  some 
friends  with  it. 

After  this  period  I  saw  little  of  President  Johnson,  who 
fought  his  fight  in  his  own  way,  had  his  hands  completely  tied, 
and  barely  escaped  impeachment;  the  Congress,  meanwhile, 
making  a  whipping-post  of  the  South,  and  inflicting  upon  it 
every  humiliation  that  malignity  could  devise. 


CHAPTEE   XVI. 

RECONSTRUCTION   UNDER   GRANT. 

Before  the  conventions  to  nominate  candidates  for  the  Pres- 
idency met  in  1868, 1  had  much  intercourse  with  General  Grant, 
and  found  him  ever  modest  and  determined  to  steer  clear  of 
politics,  or  at  least  not  permit  himself  to  be  used  by  partisans ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  was  sincere.  But  the  Radical  Satan 
took  him  up  to  the  high  places  and  promised  him  dominion  over 
all  in  view.  Perhaps  none  but  a  divine  being  can  resist  such 
temptation.  He  accepted  the  nomination  from  the  Radicals, 
and  was  elected ;  and  though  I  received  friendly  messages  from 
him,  I  did  not  see  him  until  near  the  close  of  his  first  adminis- 
tration. As  ignorant  of  civil  government  as  of  the  characters 
on  the  Moabitish  stone,  President  Grant  begun  badly,  and  went 
from  bad  to  worse.  The  appointments  to  office  that  he  made, 
the  associates  whom  he  gathered  around  him,  were  astounding. 
All  his  own  relatives,  all  his  wife's  relatives,  all  the  relatives  of 
these  relatives,  to  the  remotest  cousinhood,  were  quartered  on  the 
public  treasury.  Never,  since  King  Jamie  crossed  the  Tweed 
with  the  hungry  Scotch  nation  at  his  heels,  has  the  like  been 
seen ;  and  the  soul  of  old  Newcastle,  greatest  of  English  nepo- 
tists, must  have  turned  green  with  envy.  The  influence  of  this 
on  the  public  was  most  disastrous.  Already  shortened  by  the 
war,  the  standard  of  morality,  honesty,  and  right  was  buried  out 
of  sight. 

For  two  or  three  years  I  was  much  in  the  North,  and  espe- 
cially in  New  York,  where  I  had  dear  friends.  The  war  had 
afforded  opportunity  and  stimulated  appetite  for  reckless  specu- 
lation.    Yast  fortunes  had  been  acquired  by  new  men,  destitute 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  257 

of  manners,  taste,  or  principles.  The  vulgar  insolence  of  wealth 
held  complete  possession  of  public  places  and  carried  by  storm 
the  citadels  of  society.  Indeed,  society  disappeared.  As  in  the 
middle  ages,  to  escape  pollution,  honorable  men  and  refined 
women  (and  there  are  many  such  in  the  North)  fled  to  sanctuary 
and  desert,  or,  like  early  Christians  in  the  catacombs,  met  secret- 
ly and  in  fear.  The  masses  sank  into  a  condition  that  would 
disgrace  Australian  natives,  and  lost  all  power  of  discrimination. 

The  Yice-President  of  the  United  States  accepted  bribes, 
and  perjured  himself  in  vain  to  escape  exposure.  President 
Grant  wrote  him  a  letter  to  assure  him  of  his  continued  esteem 
and  confidence,  and  this  Yice-President  has  since  lectured  before 
"  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations."  Plunderings  by  mem- 
bers of  the  Congress  excited  no  attention  so  long  as  they  were 
confined  to  individuals  or  corporations.  It  was  only  when  they 
voted  themselves  money  out  of  taxes  paid  by  the  people,  that 
these  last  growled  and  frightened  some  of  the  statesmen  into 
returning  it.  A  banker,  the  pet  of  the  Government,  holding 
the  same  especial  relation  to  it  that  the  Bank  of  England  held 
to  William  of  Orange,  discovered  that  "  a  great  national  debt 
was  a  blessing,"  and  was  commended  and  rewarded  therefor.. 
With  a  palace  on  the  shores  of  the  Delaware,  this  banker  ownedi 
a  summer  retreat  on  a  lovely  isle  amid  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie., 
A  pious  man,  he  filled  this  with  many  divines,  who  blessed  all; 
his  enterprises.  He  contributed  largely,  too,  to  the  support  of 
an  influential  Christian  journal  to  aid  in  disseminating  truth  to> 
Jew,  Gentile,  and  heathen.  The  divines  and  the  Christian  journal 
were  employed  to  persuade  widows  and  weak  men  to  purchase- 
his  rotten  securities,  as  things  too  righteous  to  occasion  loss.. 

The  most  eloquent  preacher  in  the  land,  of  a  race  devoted, 
to  adoration  of  negroes,  as  Hannibal  to  hatred  of  Eome,  com- 
promised the  wife  of  a  member  of  his  congregation.  Discov- 
ered by  the  husband,  he  groveled  before  him  in  humiliation  as 
before  "his  God"  (his  own  expression).  Brought  before  the 
public,  he  swore  that  he  was  innocent,  and  denied  the  meaning 
of  his  own  written  words.  The  scandal  endured  for  months 
and  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  metropolitan  journals  to  display 
17 


258  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

tlieir  enterprise  by  furnishing  daily  and  minute  reports  of  all 
details  to  tlieir  readers.  The  influence  of  the  preacher  was  in- 
creased by  this.  His  congregation  flocked  to  him  as  the  Ana- 
baptists to  John  of  Leyden,  and  shopkeepers  profitably  adver- 
tised their  wares  by  doubling  their  subscriptions  to  augment  his 
salary.  Far  from  concealing  this  wound  inflicted  on  his  domes- 
tic honor,  the  injured  husband  proclaimed  it  from  the  housetops, 
clothed  himself  in  it  as  in  a  robe  of  price,  and  has  successfully 
used  it  to  become  a  popular  lecturer. 

To  represent  the  country  at  the  capital  of  an  ancient  mon- 
archy, a  man  was  selected  whom,  it  is  no  abuse  of  language  to 
declare,  Titus  Oates  after  his  release  from  the  pillory  would 
have  blushed  to  recognize.  On  the  eve  of  his  departure,  as  one 
may  learn  from  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  all  that  was  richest 
and  best  in  New  York  gathered  around  a  banquet  in  his  honor, 
congratulated  the  country  to  which  he  was  accredited,  and 
lamented  the  misfortune  of  their  own  that  it  would  be  deprived, 
even  temporarily,  of  such  virtue.  Another  was  sent  to  an  em- 
pire which  is  assured  by  our  oft-succeeding  envoys  that  it  is  the 
object  of  our  particular  affection.  To  the  aristocracy  of  the 
realm  this  genial  person  taught  the  favorite  game  of  the  mighty 
"West.  A  man  of  broad  views,  feeling  that  diplomatic  atten- 
tions were  due  to  commons  as  well  as  to  crown  and  nobles,  he 
occasionally  withdrew  himself  from  the  social  pleasures  of  the 
"  West  End  "  to  inform  the  stags  of  Capel  Court  of  the  value  of 
American  mines.  Benefactors  are  ever  misjudged.  Aristocracy 
and  the  many-antlered  have  since  united  to  defame  him ;  but 
Galileo  in  the  dungeon,  Pascal  by  his  solitary  lamp,  More, 
Sidney,  and  Russell  on  the  scaffold,  will  console  him ;  and  in 
the  broad  bosom  of  his  native  Ohio  he  has  found  the  exception 
to  the  rule  that  prophets  are  not  without  honor  but  in  their  own 
country. 

The  years  of  Methuselah  and  the  pen  of  Juvenal  would  not 
suffice  to  exhaust  the  list,  or  depict  the  benighted  state  into 
which  we  had  fallen ;  but  it  can  be  asserted  of  the  popular  idols 
of  the  day  that  unveiled,  they  resemble  Mokanna,  and  can  each 
exclaim : 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  259 

"  Here,  judge  if  hell,  with  all  its  power  to  damn, 
Can  add  one  curse  to  the  foul  thing  I  am !  " 

The  examples  of  thousands  of  pure  and  upright  people  in 
the  North  were  as  powerless  to  mitigate  the  general  corruption 
as  song  of  seraphim  to  purify  the  orgies  of  harlots  and  bur- 
glars ;  for  they  were  not  in  harmony  with  the  brutal  passions  of 
the  masses. 

In  Boston,  July,  1872,  as  co-trustees  of  the  fund  left  by  the 
late  Mr.  Peabody  for  the  education  of  the  poor  in  the  Southern 
States,  President  Grant  and  I  met  for  the  first  time  since  he 
had  accepted  the  nomination  from  the  Radical  party.  He  was 
a  candidate  for  reelection,  and  much  worshiped ;  and,  though 
cordial  with  me,  his  general  manner  had  something  of  "  I  am 
the  State."  Stopping  at  the  same  inn,  he  passed  an  evening  in 
my  room,  to  which  he  came  alone ;  and  there,  avoiding  public 
affairs,  we  smoked  and  chatted  about  the  Nueces,  Rio  Grande, 
Palo  Alto,  etc. — things  twenty-five  years  agone,  when  we  were 
youngsters  beginning  life.  He  was  reelected  in  November  by 
a  large  majority  of  electoral  votes ;  but  the  people  of  Louisiana 
elected  a  Democratic  Governor  and  Assembly.  When,  in  Janu- 
ary following,  the  time  of  meeting  of  the  Assembly  arrived,  the 
country,  habituated  as  it  was  to  violent  methods,  was  startled 
by  the  succeeding  occurrences. 

The  night  before  the  Assembly  was  to  meet,  the  Federal 
Judge  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  a  drunken  reprobate,  ob- 
tained from  the  commander  of  the  United  States  troops  a  por- 
tion of  his  force,  and  stationed  it  in  the  State  House.  In  the 
morning  the  members  elect  were  refused  admittance,  and  others 
not  elected,  many  not  even  candidates  during  the  election,  were 
allowed  to  enter.  One  Packard,  Marshal  of  the  Federal  Court, 
a  bitter  partisan  and  worthy  adjunct  of  such  a  judge,  had  pro- 
vided for  an  Assembly  to  suit  himself  by  giving  tickets  to  his 
friends,  whom  the  soldiers  passed  in,  excluding  the  elected 
members.  The  ring-streaked,  spotted,  and  speckled  among  the 
cattle  and  goats,  and  the  brown  among  the  sheep,  were  turned 
into  the  supplanters'  folds,  which  were  filled  with  lowing  herds 


260  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

and  bleating  flocks,  while  Laban  bad  neither  horn  nor  hoof. 
There  was  not  a  solitary  return  produced  in  favor  of  this  Packard 
body,  nor  of  the  Governor  subsequently  installed ;  but  the  Radi- 
cals  asserted  that  their  friends  would  have  been  elected  had  the 
people  voted  as  they  wished,  for  every  negro  and  some  whites 
in  the  State  upheld  their  party.  By  this  time  the  charming 
credulity  of  the  negroes  had  abated,  and  they  answered  the 
statement  that  slave-drivers  were  murdering  their  race  in  adja- 
cent regions  by  saying  that  slave-drivers,  at  least,  did  not  tell 
them  lies  nor  steal  their  money. 

All  the  whites  and  many  of  the  blacks  in  Louisiana  felt 
themselves  cruelly  wronged  by  the  action  of  the  Federal  au- 
thorities. Two  Assemblies  were  in  session  and  two  Governors 
claiming  power  in  New  Orleans.  Excitement  was  intense,  busi- 
ness arrested,  and  collision  between  the  parties  imminent.  As 
the  Packard  faction  was  supported  by  Federal  troops,  the  situa- 
tion looked  grave,  and  a  number  of  worthy  people  urged  me 
to  go  to  Washington,  where  my  personal  relations  with  the 
President  might  secure  me  access  to  him.  It  was  by  no  means 
a  desirable  mission,  but  duty  seemed  to  require  me  to  under- 
take it. 

Accompanied  by  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Senator  from  Dela- 
ware, my  first  step  in  Washington  was  to  call  on  the  leader  of 
the  Radicals  in  the  Senate,  Morton  of  Indiana,  when  a  long 
conversation  ensued,  from  which  I  derived  no  encouragement. 
Senator  Morton  was  the  Couthon  of  his  party,  and  this  single 
interview  prepared  me  for  one  of  his  dying  utterances  to 
warn  the  country  against  the  insidious  efforts  of  slave-driv- 
ing rebels  to  regain  influence  in  the  Government.  The 
author  of  the  natural  history  of  Ireland  would  doubtless  have 
welcomed  one  specimen,  by  describing  which  he  could  have 
filled  out  a  chapter  on  snakes ;  and  there  is  temptation  to  dwell 
on  the  character  of  Senator  Morton  as  one  of  the  few  Radical 
leaders  who  kept  his  hands  clean  of  plunder.  But  it  may  be 
observed  that  one  absorbing  passion  excludes  all  others  from 
the  human  heart ;  and  the  small  portion  of  his  being  in  which 
disease  had  left  vitality  was  set  on  vengeance.     Death  has  re- 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  261 

cently  clutched  him,  and  would  not  be  denied ;  and  he  is  be- 
wailed throughout  the  land  as  though  he  had  possessed  the 
knightly  tenderness  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  the  lofty  patriotism 
of  Chatham. 

The  President  received  me  pleasantly,  gave  much  time  to 
the  Louisiana  difficulty,  and,  in  order  to  afford  himself  oppor- 
tunity for  full  information,  asked  me  frequently  to  dine  with 
his  immediate  family,  composed  of  kindly,  worthy  people.  I 
also  received  attention  and  hospitality  from  some  members  of 
his  Cabinet,  who  with  him  seemed  desirous  to  find  a  remedy  for 
the  wrong.  More  especially  was  this  true  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Hamilton  Fish,  with  whom  and  whose  refined  family  1 
had  an  acquaintance.  Of  a  distinguished  Revolutionary  race, 
possessor  of  a  good  estate,  and  with  charming,  cultivated  sur- 
roundings, this  gentleman  seemed  the  Noah  of  the  political 
world.  Perhaps  his  retention  in  the  Cabinet  was  due  to  a  be- 
lief that,  under  the  new  and  milder  dispensation,  the  presence 
of  one  righteous  man  might  avert  the  doom  of  Gomorrah.  An 
exception  existed  in  the  person  of  the  Attorney-General,  a  man, 
as  eminent  barristers  declare,  ignorant  of  law  and  self-willed 
and  vulgar.  For  some  reason  he  had  much  influence  with  the 
President,  who  later  appointed  him  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States ;  but  the  Senatorial  gorge,  indelicate  as  it  had  proved, 
rose  at  this,  as  the  easy-shaving  barber's  did  at  the  coal-heaver, 
and  rejected  him. 

Weeks  elapsed,  during  which  I  felt  hopeful  from  the  ear- 
nestness manifested  in  my  mission  by  the  President  and  several 
of  his  Cabinet.  Parties  were  in  hostile  array  in  ISTew  Orleans, 
but  my  friends  were  restrained  by  daily  reports  of  the  situation 
at  "Washington.  Only  my  opinion  that  there  was  some  ground 
for  hope  could  be  forwarded.  Conversations  at  dinner  tables 
or  in  private  interviews  with  the  Executive  and  his  advisers 
could  not,  then  or  since,  be  repeated ;  and  this  of  necessity  gave 
room  for  misconstruction,  as  will  appear.  At  length,  on  the 
day  before  the  Congress  was  by  law  to  adjourn,  the  President 
sent  a  message  to  the  Senate,  informing  that  body  that,  in  the 
event  the  Congress  failed  to  take  action  on  the  Louisiana  mat- 


262  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ter,  he  should  esteem  it  his  duty  to  uphold  the  Government 
created  by  the  Federal  Judge.  I  left  Washington  at  once,  and 
did  not  revisit  it  for  nearly  four  years. 

I  believe  that  President  Grant  was  sincere  with  me,  and 
went  as'  far  as  he  felt  it  safe.  No  doubt  the  Senatorial  hyenas 
brought  him  to  understand  these  unspoken  words :  "  We  have 
supported  your  acts,  confirmed  your  appointments,  protected 
and  whitewashed  your  friends ;  but  there  are  bones  which  we 
can  not  give  up  without  showing  our  teeth,  and  Louisiana  is  one 
of  them." 

The  failure  to  obtain  relief  for  the  State  of  my  birth,  and 
whose  soil  covered  the  remains  of  all  most  dear,  was  sad  enough, 
and  the  attempt  had  involved  much  unpleasant  work;  but  I 
had  my  reward.  Downfall  of  hope,  long  sustained,  was  bitter 
to  the  people,  especially  to  the  leaders  expectant  of  office ;  and 
I  became  an  object  of  distrust.  "Nothing  succeeds  like  suc- 
cess," and  nothing  fails  like  failure,  and  the  world  is  quite  right 
to  denounce  it.  The  British  Ministry  shot  an  admiral  for  fail- 
ing to  relieve  Minorca  —  to  encourage  others,  as  Voltaire  re- 
marked. Byng  died  silent,  without  plaint,  which  was  best. 
The  drunken  Federal  Judge,  author  of  the  outrages,  was  uni- 
versally condemned,  with  one  exception,  of  which  more  anon. 
Both  branches  of  the  Congress,  controlled  by  Radicals,  pro- 
nounced his  conduct  to  have  been  illegal  and  unjust,  and  he 
was  driven  from  the  bench  with  articles  of  impeachment  hang- 
ing over  him.  Nevertheless,  the  Government  evolved  from  his 
unjudicial  consciousness  was  upheld  by  President  Grant  with 
Federal  bayonets. 

Two  years  later  the  people  of  Louisiana  elected  an  Assembly, 
a  majority  of  whose  members  were  opposed  to  the  fraudulent 
Governor,  Kellogg.  The  President  sent  United  States  soldiers 
into  the  halls  of  the  Assembly  to  expel  members  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet.  Lieutenant-General  Sheridan,  the  military  maid 
of  all  (such)  work,  came  especially  to  superintend  this  business, 
and  it  was  now  that  he  expressed  the  desire  to  exterminate 
"  banditti."  The  destruction  of  buildings  and  food  in  the  Val- 
ley of  Virginia,  to  the  confusion  of  the  crows,  was  his  Sala- 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  263 

manca ;  but  this  was  his  Waterloo,  and  great  was  the  fame  of 
the  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Radicals. 

This  Governor  Kellogg  is  the  Senator  recently  seated,  of 
whom  mention  has  been  made,  and,  if  a  lesser  quantity  than 
zero  be  conceivable,  with  a  worse  title  to  the  office  than  he  had 
to  that  of  Governor  of  Louisiana.  So  far  as  known,  he  is  a 
commonplace  rogue ;  but  his  party  has  always  rallied  to  his  sup- 
port, as  the  "  Tenth  Legion "  to  its  eagles.  Indeed,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  understand  the  qualities  or  objects  that  enlist  the  devo- 
tion and  compel  the  worship  of  humanity.  Travelers  in  the 
Orient  tell  of  majestic  fanes,  whose  mighty  walls  and  countless 
columns  are  rich  with  elaborate  carvings.  Hall  succeeds  hall, 
each  more  beautifully  wrought  than  the  other,  until  the  inner- 
most, the  holy  of  holies,  is  reached,  and  there  is  found  en- 
shrined— a  shriveled  ape. 

The  sole  exception  referred  to  in  the  case  of  the  drunken 
Federal  Judge  was  a  lawyer  of  small"  repute,  who  had  been 
Democratic  in  his  political  tendencies.  Languishing  in  ob- 
scurity, he  saw  and  seized  his  opportunity,  and  rushed  into 
print  in  defense  of  the  Judge  and  in  commendation  of  the 
President  for  upholding  such  judicial  action.  It  is  of  record 
that  this  lawyer,  in  the  society  of  some  men  of  letters,  declared 
Dante  to  be  the  author  of  the  Decameron ;  but  one  may  be 
ignorant  of  the  Italian  poets  and  thoroughly  read  in  French 
memoirs.  During  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  the  Duke 
of  Vendome,  filthiest  of  generals,  not  excepting  Suvaroff,  com- 
manded the  French  army  in  Italy.  To  negotiate  protection  for 
their  States,  the  Italian  princes  sent  agents  to  Yendome ;  but 
the  agents  sent  by  the  Duke  of  Parma  were  so  insulted  by  the 
bestialities  of  the  French  commander  as  to  go  back  to  their 
master  without  negotiating,  and  no  decent  man  would  consent 
to  return.  A  starving  little  abbe  volunteered  for  the  service, 
and,  possessing  a  special  aptitude  for  baseness,  succeeded  in  his 
mission.  Thus  Alberoni,  afterward  Cardinal  and  Prime  Minis- 
ter of  Spain,  got  his  foot  on  the  first  rung  of  the  ladder  of  fame. 
The  details  of  the  story  are  too  gross  to  repeat,  and  the  Memoirs 
of  the  Duke  of  St.  Simon  must  be  consulted  for  them ;  but  our 


264  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

lawyer  assuredly  had  read  them.     Many  may  imitate  Homer, 
however  feebly ;  one  genius  originated  his  epics. 

Having  entered  on  this  lofty  career,  our  Alberoni  stuck  to 
it  with  the  tenacity  of  a  ferret  in  pursuit  of  rabbits,  and  was  re- 
warded, though  not  at  the  time  nor  to  the  extent  he  had  reason 
to  expect.     The  mission  to  England  was  promised  him  by  the 
reigning  powers,  when,  on  the  very  eve  of  securing  his  prize,  a 
stick  was  put  in  the  wheels  of  Ms  progress,  and  by  a  brother's 
hand.     Another  legal  personage,  practicing  at  the  same  bar, 
that  of  New  York,  and  a  friend,  did  the  deed.     "  Chloe  was 
false,  Chloe  was  common,  but  constant  while  possessed " ;  but 
here  Chloe  was  without  the  last  quality.     In  1868,  General 
Grant's  election  pending,  Chloe  was  affiliated  with  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  had  been  chosen  one  of  the  captains  of  its  cita- 
del, a  sachem  of  Tammany.     Scenting  success  for  Grant,  with 
the  keenness  of  the  vulture  for  his  prey,  he  attended  a  Radical 
meeting  and  announced  his  intention  to  give  twenty  thousand 
dollars  to  the  Radical  election  fund.     This  sum  appears  to  have 
been  the  market  value  of  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  to  which  ulti- 
mately he  was  called.     When  the  English  mission  became  vacant 
by  the  resignation  of  the  incumbent,  disgusted  by  British  in- 
gratitude, Chloe  quitted  the  Cabinet  to  take  it,  and  Alberoni 
was  left  wearing  weeds.     Yet  much  allowance  is  due  to  family 
affection,  the  foundation  of  social  organization.    Descended  from 
a  noble  stock,  though  under  a  somewhat  different  name,  Chloe 
from  mystic  sources  learned  that  his  English  relatives  pined  for 
his  society,  and  devotion  to  family  ties  tempted  him  to  betray 
his  friend.     Subsequently  Alberoni  was  appointed  to  a  more 
northern  country,  where  he  may  find  congenial  society ;  for,  in 
a  despotism  tempered  only  by  assassination,  the  knees  of  all  be- 
come pliant  before  power. 

It  is  pleasant  to  mark  the  early  steps  of  nascent  ambition. 
In  the  time  of  the  great  Napoleon  every  conscript  carried  the 
baton  of  a  marshal  in  his  knapsack ;  and  in  our  happy  land  every 
rogue  may  be  said  to  have  an  appointment  to  office  in  his  pocket. 
This  is  also  pleasant. 

Since  the  spring  of  1873,  when  he  gave  himself  up  to  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  265 

worst  elements  of  Ms  party,  I  have  not  seen  President  Grant ; 
but  his  career  suggests  some  curious  reflections  to  one  who  has 
known  him  for  thirty-odd  years.      What  the  waiting-woman 
promised  in  jest,  Dame  Fortune  has  seriously  bestowed  on  this 
Malvolio,  and  his  political  cross-garterings  not  only  find  favor 
with  the  Radical  Olivia,  but  are  admired  by  the  Sir  Tobys  of 
the  European  world.     Indeed,  Fortune  has  conceits  as  quaint 
as  those  of  Haroun  al-Easchid.     The  beggar,  from  profound 
sleep,  awoke  in  the  Caliph's  bed.     Amazed  and  frightened  by 
his  surroundings,  he  slowly  gained  composure  as  courtier  after 
courtier  entered,  bowing  low,  to  proclaim  him  King  of  kings, 
Light  of  the  World,  Commander  of  the  Faithful ;  and  he  speedily 
came  to  believe  that  the  present  had  always  existed,  while  the 
real  past  was  an  idle  dream.     Of  a  nature  kindly  and  modest, 
President  Grant  was  assured  by  all  about  him  that  he  was  the 
delight  of  the  Radicals,  greatest  captain  of  the  age,  and  saviour 
of  the  nation's  life.     It  was  inevitable  that  he  should  begin  by 
believing  some  of  this,  and  end  by  believing  it  all.     Though  he 
had  wasted  but  little  time  on  books  since  leaving  West  Point, 
where  in  his  day  the  curriculum  was  limited,  he  had  found  out 
to  the  last  shilling  the  various  sums  voted  by  Parliament  to  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  and  spoke  of  them  in  a  manner  indicating 
his  opinion  that  he  was  another  example  of  the  ingratitude  of 
republics.     The  gentle  temper  and  sense  of  justice  of  Othello 
resisted  the  insidious  wiles  of  Iago ;  but  ignorance  and  inex- 
perience yielded  in  the  end  to  malignity  and  craft.     President 
Grant  was  brought  not  only  to  smother  the  Desdemona  of  his 
early  preferences  and  intentions,  but  to  feel  no  remorse  for  the 
deed,  and  take  to  his  bosom  the  harridan  of  radicalism.     As 
Phalaris  did  those  of  Agrigentum  opposed  to  his  rule,  he  fin- 
ished by  hating  Southerners  and  Democrats. 

During  the  struggle  for  the  Presidency  in  the  autumn  of 
1876,  he  permitted  a  member  of  his  Cabinet,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  to  become  the  manager  of  the  Radicals  and  use  all 
the  power  of  his  office,  established  for  the  public  service,  to  pro- 
mote the  success  of  his  party's  candidate. 

Monsieur  Fourtou,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  removed  pre- 


266  DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 

f  ects  and  mayors  to  strengthen  the  power  of  De  Broglie ;  where- 
upon all  the  newspapers  in  our  land  published  long  essays  to  show 
and  lament  the  ignorance  of  the  French  and  their  want  of  expe- 
rience in  republican  methods.  One  might  suppose  these  articles 
to  have  been  written  by  the  "  seven  sleepers,"  so  forgetful  were 
they  of  yesterday's  occurrences  at  home ;  but  beams  near  at  hand 
are  ever  blinked  in  our  search  of  distant  motes.  The  election 
over,  but  the  result  in  dispute,  President  Grant,  in  Philadelphia, 
alarmed  thoughtful  people  by  declaring  that  "  no  man  could 
take  the  great  office  of  President  upon  whose  title  thereto  the 
faintest  shadow  of  doubt  rested,"  and  then,  with  all  the  power 
of  the  Government,  successfully  led  the  search  for  this  non- 
existing  person.  To  insure  fairness  in  the  count,  so  that  none 
could  carp,  he  requested  eminent  statesmen  to  visit  South  Caro- 
lina, Florida,  and  Louisiana,  the  electoral  votes  of  which  were 
claimed  by  both  parties ;  but  the  statesmen  were,  without  ex- 
ception, the  bitterest  and  most  unscrupulous  partisans,  personal- 
ly interested  in  securing  victory  for  their  candidate,  and  have 
since  received  their  hire.  Soldiers  were  quartered  in  the  capi- 
tals of  the  three  States  to  aid  the  equitable  statesmen  in  reach- 
ing a  correct  result  by  applying  the  bayonet  if  the  figures 
proved  refractory.  With  equity  and  force  at  work,  the  coun- 
try might  confidently  expect  justice ;  and  justice  was  done 
— that  justice  ever  accorded  by  unscrupulous  power  to  weak- 
ness. 

But  one  House  of  the  Congress  was  controlled  by  the  Dem- 
ocrats, and  these,  Herod-like,  were  seeking  to  slay  the  child,  the 
Nation.  To  guard  against  this,  President  Grant  ordered  other 
troops  to  Washington  and  a  ship  of  war  to  be  anchored  in  the 
Potomac,  and  the  child  was  preserved.  Again,  the  4th  of 
March,  appointed  by  law  for  the  installation  of  Presidents,  fell 
on  Sunday.  President  Grant  is  of  Scotch  descent,  and  doubtless 
learned  in  the  traditions  of  the  land  o'  cakes.  The  example  of 
Kirkpatrick  at  Dumfries  taught  him  that  it  was  wise  to  "  mak 
sicker " ;  so  the  incoming  man  and  the  Chief  Justice  were 
smuggled  into  the  White  House  on  the  sabbath  day,  and  the 
oath  of  office  was  administered.    If  the  chair  of  George  Wash- 


RECONSTRUCTION  UNDER  GRANT.  267 

ington  was  to  be  filched,  it  were  best  done  under  cover.    The 
value  of  the  loot  inspired  caution. 

In  Paris,  at  a  banquet,  Maitre  Gambetta  recently  toasted  our 
ex-President "  as  the  great  commander  who  had  sacredly  obeyed 
and  preserved  his  country's  laws."  "Whether  this  was  said  in 
irony  or  ignorance,  had  General  Grant  taken  with  him  to  Paris 
his  late  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  the  accomplished  Z.  Chandler, 
the  pair  might  have  furnished  suggestions  to  Marshal  MacMahon 
and  Fourtou  that  would  have  changed  the  dulcet  strains  of 
Maitre  Gambetta  into  dismal  howls. 


CHAPTER   XYII. 

CONCLUSION. 

Dismissing  hope  of  making  my  small  voice  heard  in  mitiga- 
tion of  the  woes  of  my  State,  in  May,  1873,  I  went  to  Europe 
and  remained  many  months.  Returned  to  IsTew  York,  I  found 
that  the  characters  on  the  wall,  so  long  invisible,  had  blazed 
forth,  and  the  vast  factitious  wealth,  like  the  gold  of  the  dervish, 
withered  and  faded  in  a  night.  The  scenes  depicted  of  Paris 
and  London,  after  the  collapse  of  Mississippi  schemes  and  South 
Sea  bubbles,  were  here  repeated  on  a  greater  scale  and  in  more 
aggravated  form.  To  most,  the  loss  of  wealth  was  loss  of  an- 
cestry, repute,  respectability,  decency,  recognition  of  their  fel- 
lows— all.  Small  wonder  that  their  withers  were  fearfully 
wrung,  and  their  wails  piteous.  Enterprise  and  prosperity  were 
frozen  as  in  a  sea  of  everlasting  ice,  and  guardians  of  trusts,  like 
Ugolino,  plunged  their  robber  fangs  into  the  scalps  and  entrails 
of  the  property  confided  to  them. 

A  public  journal  has  recently  published  a  detailed  list,  show- 
ing that  there  has  been  plundered  by  fiduciaries  since  1873  the 
amazing  amount  of  thirty  millions  of  money ;  and  the  work 
goes  on.  Scarce  a  newspaper  is  printed  in  whose  columns  may 
not  be  found  some  fresh  instance  of  breach  of  trust.  As  poi- 
soning in  the  time  of  Brinvilliers,  stealing  is  epidemic,  and  the 
watch-dogs  of  the  flocks  are  transformed  into  wolves. 

Since  the  tocsin  sounded  we  have  gone  from  bad  to  worse. 
During  the  past  summer  (1877)  laborers,  striking  for  increased 
wages  or  to  resist  diminution  thereof,  seized  and  held  for  many 
days  the  railway  lines  between  East  and  West,  stopping  all  traf- 
fic.   Aided  by  mobs,  they  took  possession  of  great  towns  and 


CONCLUSION.  269 

destroyed  vast  property.  At  Pittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  State 
troops  attempting  to  restore  order  were  attacked  and  driven  off. 
Police  and  State  authorities  in  most  cases  proved  impotent,  and 
the  arm  of  Federal  power  was  invoked  to  stay  the  evil. 

Thousands  of  the  people  are  without  employment,  which 
they  seek  in  vain ;  and  from  our  cities  issue  heart-rending  ap- 
peals in  behalf  of  the  suffering  poor.  From  the  Atlantic  as  far 
to  the  west  as  the  young  State  of  Nebraska,  there  has  fallen 
upon  the  land  a  calamity  like  that  afflicting  Germany  after  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  Hordes  of  idle,  vicious  tramps  penetrate 
rural  districts  in  all  directions,  rendering  property  and  even  life 
unsafe ;  and  no  remedy  for  this  new  disease  has  been  discovered. 
Let  us  remember  that  these  things  are  occurring  in  a  country  of 
millions  upon  millions  of  acres  of  vacant  lands,  to  be  had  almost 
for  the  asking,  and  where,  even  in  the  parts  first  colonized,  den- 
sity of  population  bears  but  a  small  relation  to  that  of  western 
Europe.  Yet  we  daily  assure  ourselves  and  the  world  that  we 
have  the  best  government  under  the  canopy  of  heaven,  and  the 
happiest  land,  hope  and  refuge  of  humanity. 

Purified  by  fire  and  sword,  the  South  has  escaped  many  of 
these  evils ;  but  her  enemies  have  sown  the  seeds  of  a  pestilence 
more  deadly  than  that  rising  from  Pontine  marshes.  Now 
that  Federal  bayonets  have  been  turned  from  her  bosom,  this 
poison,  the  influence  of  three  fourths  of  a  million  of  negro 
voters,  will  speedily  ascend  and  sap  her  vigor  and  intelligence. 
Greed  of  office,  curse  of  democracies,  will  impel  demagogues 
to  grovel  deeper  and  deeper  in  the  mire  in  pursuit  of  ignorant 
votes.  Her  old  breed  of  statesmen  has  largely  passed  away 
during  and  since  the  civil  war,  and  the  few  survivors  are  natu- 
rally distrusted,  as  responsible  for  past  errors.  Numbers  of  her 
gentry  fell  in  battle,  and  the  men  now  on  the  stage  were  youths 
at  the  outbreak  of  strife,  which  arrested  their  education.  This  last 
is  also  measurably  true  of  the  North.  Throughout  the  land  the 
experience  of  the  active  portion  of  the  present  generation  only 
comprises  conditions  of  discord  and  violence.  The  story  of  the 
six  centuries  of  sturdy  effort  by  which  our  English  forefathers 
wrought  out  their  liberties  is  unknown,  certainly  unappreciated. 


?70 


DESTRUCTION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION. 


Even  the  struggles  of  our  grandfathers  are  forgotten,  and  the 
names  of  Washington,  Adams,  Hamilton,  Jay,  Marshall,  Madi- 
son, and  Story  awaken  no  fresher  memories  in  our  minds,  no 
deeper  emotions  in  our  hearts,  than  do  those  of  Solon,  Leoni- 
das,  and  Pericles.  But  respect  for  the  memories  and  deeds  of 
our  ancestors  is  security  for  the  present,  seed-corn  for  the 
future ;  and,  in  the  language  of  Burke,  "  Those  will  not  look 
forward  to  their  posterity  who  never  look  backward  to  their 
ancestors." 

Traditions  are  mighty  influences  in  restraining  peoples.  The 
light  that  reaches  us  from  above  takes  countless  ages  to  traverse 
the  awful  chasm  separating  us  from  its  parent  star ;  yet  it  comes 
straight  and  true  to  our  eyes,  because  each  tender  wavelet  is 
linked  to  the  other,  receiving  and  transmitting  the  luminous 
ray.  Once  break  the  continuity  of  the  stream,  and  men  will 
deny  its  heavenly  origin,  and  seek  its  source  in  the  feeble  glim- 
mer of  earthly  corruption. 


ODEX. 


Acadian  exiles  in  Attakapas,  105  ;  their 

descendants,  106. 
Alabama  delegates  retire  from  Charleston 

Convention,  12. 
Alberoni,  Abbe,  263. 
Andersonville  Prison,  216. 
Antietam  a  drawn  battle,  95. 
Antipathy  to  the  South,  238. 
Anti-slavery  agitation,  10. 
Army,  Confederate,  of  Virginia  moved  to 

Gordonsville,  42. 
Ashby,  General  Turner,  during  march  to 

Harrisonburg,  69 ;  his  death,  71 ;  no 

disciplinarian,  72. 
Attakapas,  home  of  the  Acadians,  105. 

Bank  of  Tennessee,  its  treasure  restored, 
224. 

Banks,  General  N.  P.,  his  ignorance  and 
arrogance,  164;  retreats  to  Alexandria, 
182  ;  his  army  demoralized,  187  ;  his 
misleading  dispatches,  135,  137,  146, 
151,  174,  181. 

Baton  Rouge,  Confederates  repulsed,  107. 

Bayou  des  Allemands  surprised,  111. 

Beauregard,  General  P.  G.  T.,  his  cool- 
ness and  courage  at  Manassas,  19. 

Berwick's  Bay  captured  by  Confederates, 
141 ;  the  prisoners  and  spoil,  143. 

Bisland  attacked  by  Federals,  130. 

Blunders  of  Confederates  in  first  Rich- 
mond campaign,  86. 

Bourbeau  Bayou,  Confederate  success 
there,  150. 

Boyd,  Belle,  Confederate  spy,  51. 

Bragg,  General  B.,  occupies  Pensacola, 
15 ;  services  in  United  States  army, 
99  ;  a  strong  disciplinarian,  100 ;  in- 
vades Kentucky,  ib. ;  his  petulance,  ib. 

Brent,  Major  J.  L.,  Taylor's  chief  of  artil- 
lery, 117  ;  his  fertility  of  resource,  118. 

Brown,  Joseph,  Governor  of  Georgia,  212. 


Bugeaud's  "  Maxims,"  39. 

Burton,  General,  commandant  of  Fortress 
Monroe,  246. 

Butler,  General  B.  F.,  in  the  Charleston 
Convention,  11 ;  puts  a  stop  to  maraud- 
ing, 112. 

Canby,  General  E.  R.  S.,  invests  the  Mo- 
bile forts,  221 ;  the  city  occupied,  222. 

Carpet-baggers,  236. 

Cavalry,  Confederate,  its  indiscipline,  60. 

Charleston  Convention,  10. 

Civil  War,  causes  of  the,  9. 

Cobb,  Howell,  and  the  defenses  of  Macon, 
211 ;  his  death,  213. 

Cold  Harbor,  battle  of,  84. 

Collapse  of  the  Confederacy,  230. 

Confederate  government  at  Montgomery, 
its  vacillation,  15. 

Conventions  called  to  repeal  secession 
ordinances,  227 ;  this  action  punished 
as  rebellion,  228. 

Corruption,  political  and  social,  257. 

Cotton,  Confederate  gunboat,  121. 

Courtesy  to  a  wounded  prisoner,  151. 

Creoles  of  Louisiana  not  an  effete  race, 
109. 

Cushing,  Caleb,  in  the  Charleston  Con- 
vention, 11. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  244. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  his  amiability,  24;  a 
prisoner  in  Fortress  Monroe,  246. 

Disease  in  the  Confederate  Army  of  Vir- 
ginia, 23. 

Diana,  gunboat,  captured  by  Confeder- 
ates, 128. 

"  District  of  Louisiana,"  its  military  re- 
sources, 108. 

Dix,  General  John  A.,  in  the  Philadel- 
phia Convention,  253  ;  the  "  Vicar  of 
Bray  "  of  American  politics,  253. 


272 


INDEX. 


Embezzlement  and  breach  of  trust,  268. 

Engineer  service  unfits  for  command,  98. 

Ewell,  Lieutenant-General  K.  S.,  his  ser- 
vices in  the  United  States  army,  37 ; 
his  manner  and  personal  appearance, 
ib.  ;  his  absence  of  mind,  78. 

Farragut,  Admiral  D.  G.,  opens  the  Mis- 
sissippi to  Vicksburg,  125. 

Fessenden,  General,  his  account  of  the 
Pleasant  Hill  battle,  HI, 

Fish,  Hamilton,  261. 

Forrest,  General,  by  nature  a  great  sol- 
dier, 199  ;  secret  of  his  success,  200  ; 
his  kindly  disposition,  ib. 

Fort  Butler  unsuccessfully  attacked,  144. 

Fort  de  Russy  captured,  155. 

Frazier's  Farm,  91. 

Freedmen's  Bureau  and  Bank,  251. 

Fremont  routed  at  Strasburg,  65  ;  beaten 
at  Cross  Keys,  73. 

Front  Royal  captured  by  Taylor,  63. 

Fuller,  Captain,  improvises  a  gunboat, 
119  ;  delays  Federal  advance  up  the 
Teche,  121. 

Fusilier,  Leclerc,  his  gallantry  and  muni- 
ficence, 109. 

Gettysburg  battle,  230. 

Gibson,  General  R.  L.,  his  defense  of 
Spanish  Fort,  221. 

Governments  set  up  by  the  military  in 
Southern  States,  248. 

Grant,  General,  opposed  to  advance  on 
Richmond  by  land,  33  ;  testimony  con- 
cerning this  point,  34,  note;  begins 
operations  against  Vicksburg,  121 ; 
classed  with  Marshal  Villars  and  the 
Duke  of  Cumberland,  149 ;  his  error 
at  Vicksburg,  149 ;  Ids  modesty  and 
generosity,  242 ;  opposed  to  reconstruc- 
tion at  first,  256  ;  his  part  in  the  elec- 
tion of  1876,  266. 

Green,  Major  -  General  Thomas,  killed, 
177. 

Gunboats,  the  terror  they  at  first  in- 
spired, 118. 

Hancock,  Major-General  W.  S.,  restores 
order  at  New  Orleans,  251. 

Hardee,  Major-General,  his  modesty,  215. 

Hood,  Lieutenant-General,  his  losses  at 
Franklin,  216 ;  superseded  by  Taylor, 
217 ;  his  army  after  defeat,  ib. 

Horsemen  strapped  to  their  steeds,  55. 

Ignorance  claims  its  victims,  93. 


Immigration,  how  it  determined  the  events 

of  1860,  10. 
Indianola,    ironclad,   passes    Vicksburg, 

123  ;  sunk  by  the  Confederates,  125. 
"  Initiative  "  and  "  defensive,"  20. 
Irishmen  as  soldiers,  76. 

Jackson,  General  T.  J.  (Stonewall),  his 
appearance  and  manner,  49  ;  his  care 
for  the  ammunition  trains,  56 ;  routs 
Banks  at  Winchester,  59  ;  his  inner 
nature,  79 ;  ranked  with  Nelson  and 
Havelock,  80. 

Jerome,  Leonard,  and  the  New  York 
"  Times,"  254. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  240,  242. 

Johnston,  General  Albert  Sidney,  his  ser- 
vices in  the  United  States  Army,  231 ; 
character,  232 ;  his  death  an  irrepar- 
able loss,  233. 

Johnston,  General  Joseph  E.,his  estrange- 
ment from  Jefferson  Davis,  26  ;  moves 
his  army  to  Orange  Court  House,  35  ; 
services  in  United  States  army,  ib.  ;  a 
master  of  logistics,  43  ;  his  neglect  of 
opportunity,  ib. 

Kellogg,  William  Pitt,  263. 
Kentucky,  invasion  of,  101. 
"  King  Cotton  "  a  tyrant,  235. 
Ku-klux  assassinations,  250. 

Labor  troubles  in  the  North,  268. 

Lee,  General  R.  E.,  his  force  at  opening 
of  first  Richmond  campaign,  86  ;  his 
strategy  commended,  ib. ;  place  in 
Southern  history,  96 ;  his  mistakes,  97 ; 
his  tactics  inferior  to  his  strategy,  ib.  ; 
his  surrender  proclaimed  to  Taylor's 
army,  222. 

Lee,  General  A.  L.,  his  account  of  the 
battle  of  Pleasant  Hill,  173. 

Louisiana  secedes  from  the  Union,  13 ; 
temper  of  the  people,  ib. 

Louisiana  Brigade,  78  ;  its  losses  at  Cold 
Harbor,  85. 

Louisiana,  the  State  government  over- 
turned, 259-262. 

Louisiana,  Western,  its  topography  ai>d 
river  systems,  103. 

Malvern  Hill  battle,  91. 

Manassas,  first  battle  of,  encourages  the 

Confederates,  18;  effect  at  the  North,31. 
Mansfield,  battle  of,  162. 
Mechanical    resources    wanting    to    the 

South,  202. 


INDEX. 


2Y3 


Missouri  compromise,  9. 

Mobile,  its  defenses,  201 ;  occupied  by 
General  Canby,  222. 

Moore,  Thomas  0.,  Governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, 102. 

Morton,  Senator,  260. 

Mouton,  Alexander,  president  of  Louisi- 
ana Convention,  12 ;  his  zeal  for  the 
Southern  cause,  108. 

McClellan,  General  George  B.,  assumes 
command  of  Potomac  army,  31 ;  his 
work  as  an  organizer,  32  ;  his  strategy, 
33 ;  his  force  at  beginning  of  Rieh- 
mond  campaign,  86  ;  in  battle  of  Cold 
Harbor,  87 ;  his  topographical  knowl- 
edge, ib. ;  as  a  commander,  93  ;  lacked 
audacity,  95. 

McDowell,  Major-General  Irvin,  his  plan 
of  battle  at  Manassas,  19. 

Magruder,  General,  as  a  commander,  93. 

Malvern  Hill,  battle  of,  92. 

Negro  slaves,  their  fidelity,  210. 

Office-seeking,  the  curse  of  democracies, 
269. 

Pemberton,  General,  his  services  in  the 
United  States  army,  116  ;  his  unfitness 
for  independent  command,  117 ;  his 
blunder  at  Vicksburg,  148. 

Philadelphia  Convention,  252. 

Pleasant  Hill,  battle  of,  168. 

Polignac,  Prince  Charles,  154. 

Pope,  General,  his  incapacity,  95. 

Port  Hudson  taken  by  Federals,  145. 

Port  Republic,  Federal  repulse,  16. 

Porter,  Admiral  D.  D.,  ascends  Red  River, 
155  ;  assists  in  taking  Fort  de  Russy, 
ib. ;  his  report  on  battle  of  Pleasant 
Hill,  174  ;  his  losses  in  descending  Red 
River,  185  ;  report  on  Banks's  retreat 
to  Alexandria,  187. 

Presidential  election  of  1876,  266. 

Provost-marshals,  their  exactions,  208. 

Queen  of  the  West,  gunboat,  runs  the 
Vicksburg  batteries,  122  ;  captured  by 
Confederates,  124. 

Railroads,  inefficiency  of  the  Southern, 
203. 

Red  River  opened  by  the  Federals,  136. 

Richmond,  Dean,  in  the  Charleston  Con- 
vention, 11. 

River  systems  of  Western  Louisiana, 
103. 

18 


Salt  mines  at  Petit  Anse,  114. 

Selma  taken  by  Federals,  219. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  240. 

Seymour,  Colonel,  killed  at  Cold  Harbor, 
85. 

Sheridan,  General  P.  H.,  in  New  Orleans, 
262 ;  his  course  approved  by  a  rene- 
gade Democrat,  263. 

Sherman,  General  W.  T.,  his  way  of  mak- 
ing war,  195. 

Shiloh,  battle  of,  231. 

Slavery  not  the  cause  of  the  civil  war, 
10. 

Smith,  Lieutenant-General  E.  Kirby,  in 
command  of  the  "  Trans  -  Mississippi 
Department,"  126 ;  his  military  record, 
127;  orders  reenforcement  of  Pember- 
ton, 138  ;  his  administration,  153  ;  his 
anxiety  about  safety  of  Shreveport, 
176 ;  allows  Banks  and  Porter  to  es- 
cape, 190  ;  compared  to  Quintilius 
Varus,  192. 

South  Carolina  delegates  in  Charleston 
Convention,  11. 

Southern  leaders  after  Lee's  surrender, 
223. 

"  Southern  Outrages,"  249. 

Southrons  have  no  aptitude  for  marching, 
36. 

Stanton,  E.  M.,  241. 

Statesmanship  lacking  to  the  Confeder- 
acy, 233. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  his  character, 
29  ;  his  views  concerning  military  mat- 
ters, ib. ;  his  tergiversation,  ib. ;  neg- 
lect of  Jefferson  Davis,  30. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  243. 

Straggling  in  the  Southern  army,  36. 

Strasburg,  affair  at,  65. 

Sufferings  of  the  people  after  the  war, 
236. 

Sumner,  Charles,  245. 

Tactical  mistakes  of  Confederate  gener- 
als, 93. 

Taylor,  R.  (the  author),  a  delegate  to 
Charleston,  10  ;  his  efforts  to  promote 
harmony,  12  ;  sees  war  to  be  inevita- 
ble, 13  ;  commissioned  colonel,  16 ; 
brigadier,  23 ;  habit  of  noting  topog- 
raphy and  resources  of  districts,  40 ; 
disposition  for  meeting  or  making  an 
attack,  ib.  ;  his  Louisiana  brigade,  47 ; 
major-general,  93  ;  in  command  of  Dis- 
trict of  Louisiana,  102 ;  lieutenant-gen- 
eral, 196  ;  supersedes  Hood,  217  ;  his 
army  sent  into  North  Carolina,  218 ; 


274 


INDEX. 


his  surrender,  226  ;  return  home,  228 ; 

visits  Jeff.  Davis  in  Fortress  Monroe, 

246. 
Teche  country,  105 ;  military  operations 

in,  181,  135. 
Tents,  useless  impedimenta,  40. 
Toombs,  General  Robert,  takes  Georgia 

"  home-guards "    out    of  their  State, 

215. 
Topography,  ignorance  .of,  among  Con- 
federates, 86. 
"  Trans-Mississippi  Department,"  its  last 

hours,  229. 
Troopers  strapped  to  their  horses,  55; 

protected  by  breastplates,  ib. 
Truce  concluded  between  Generals  Canby 

and  Taylor,  224. 
Turenne,  anecdote  of,  64. 

Universal  suffrage,  its  effects  on  a  people, 
209. 

Valley  of  Virginia,  its  opulence,  45  ;  laid 

waste  by  General  Sheridan,  46. 
Vicksburg,  attempts  to  relieve  it,  138. 


Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  importance 
of,  to  the  Confederates,  116. 

Walker,  General  W.  H.  T.,  his  services  in 

the   United    States   army,   22  ;   joins 

forces  with  Taylor,  150. 
War,    its   demoralizing    effects    on    the 

North,  257. 
Washington  City  after  the  war,  241. 
Weitzel,  General,  ascends  the  Teche,  120; 

his  successes,  121. 
Western  Louisiana,  its  topography,  103. 
Wheat,  Major,  his    turbulent  battalion, 

25  ;  his  checkered  career,  26. 
Wilson,  General,  captures  Selma,  220. 
Winchester,  battle  of,  56. 
Winder,  General  Charles,  79. 
Winston,  ex-Governor,  his  conservatism, 

12 ;  his  change  of  views,  ib. 
Wirtz,  his  efforts  to  better  the  condition 

of  prisoners,  216. 
Wyndham,  Colonel  Percy,  26. 

Yancey,  William  L.,  his  influence  in  the 
Charleston  Convention,  11. 


THE    END. 


DESTRUCTION  and  RECONSTRUCTION : 

PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  OF  THE  LATE  WAR. 
By  RICHARD  TAYLOR, 

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL    IN    THE    CONFEDEBATE    ARM?. 


1  vol.,  8vo.    Cloth.    274  pages.        .       .        .       Price,  $2.00. 


"  General  Richard  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  has  just  published  through  the  press 
of  the  Messrs.  Appleton  a  volume  of  some  three  hundred  octavo  pages,  which  will 
be  read  with  far  more  interest  than  most  of  the  literature  of  the  civil  war  between 
the  States  is  rewarded  with.  It  is  entitled  '  Destruction  and  Reconstruction : 
Personal  Experiences  of  the  Late  War.'  General  Taylor  says  in  his  brief  preface 
that  it  has  seemed  to  him  a  duty  to  record  these  reminiscences  ;  that  his  oppor- 
tunities for  obtaining  '  an  interior  view  '  of  the  matters  to  which  they  relate  were 
excellent ;  that  in  most  cases  he  has  been  a  witness  to  the  facts  alleged,  or  has 
obtained  them  from  the  best  sources,  and  that  where  any  doubt  exists  he  has  in- 
dicated it '  by  the  language  employed.'  He  begins  with  a  review  of  the  causes  of 
the  war,  and  reviews  the  military  and  political  history  of  the  struggle  in  a  series 
of  fourteen  chapters,  which  contains  striking  portraits  here  and  there,  and  many 
criticisms  upon  the  operations  of  both  sides." — New  York  World. 

"  As  a  writer  he  is  vigorous,  sparkling,  erudite,  and  entertaining  to  a  degree. 
His  opportunities  for  the  observation  of  men  and  things  have  been  such  as  few 
possessed,  and  he  has  made  good  use  of  them.  Of  course,  he  views  the  late  war 
from  a  Southerner's  standpoint,  but  both  sides  receive  censure  at  his  hands.  The 
great  interest  in  his  book  to  many  will,  no  doubt,  be  the  sharpness  with  which  he 
criticises  men  and  measures.  Where  least  expected,  he  pours  forth  batteries  of 
sarcasm  and  denunciation,  and  spares  no  one  who  he  thinks  deserves  l  showing 
up.'  " — New  York  Herald. 

"  General  Taylor  is  well  known  as  one  of  the  most  able  and  accomplished 
gentlemen  that  served  in  the  Southern  armies.  His  volume  must  be  pronounced 
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disclosures  are  so  boldly  made  and  whose  conclusions  are  so  sharply  formulated. 
In  more  than  one  of  his  pages  we  seem  to  catch  a  foregleam  of  the  hard,  cold 
light  of  history  itself." — New  York  Sun. 


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which  is  of  value,  and  also  a  masterly  ability  in  presenting  them  tersely,  and  at  the  same  time 
throwing  in  enough  of  incident  and  the  lighter  thought  to  make  the  volumes  wholly  enjoyable." 
— Chicago  Inter-  Ocean.  y 

"  If  you  desire  to  read  facts  and  not  theories,  events  and  not  imaginings,  in  chaste  though 
vigorous  language,  peruse  these  volumes." — Providence  Press. 

"The  author  has  accomplished  a  difficult  and  much-needed  undertaking  in  a  very  satisfactory 
way."— Boston  Journal. 

"  No  student  of  American  history  can  afford  to  be  without  this  book."— St.  Louis  Times- 
Journal. 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  Publishers,  549  &  551  Broadway,  New  York. 


THE 


ENGLISH  REFORMATION 

HOW  IT  CAME  ABOUT,   AND    WHY  WE  SHOULD 
*  UPHOLD  IT. 


CUNNINGHAM   GEIKIE,   D.  D., 

Author  of  "  The  Life  and  Words  of  Christ." 


WITH  A  PREFACE  BY  THE  AUTHOR  FOR  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION. 


1  vol.,  12mo.    Cloth.     512  pages.        .        .         .       Price,  $2.00. 


"  '  The  English  Eeformation '  is,  it  may  frankly  be  confessed,  a  history  -with  a  purpose.  But 
it  is  none  the  worse  for  that.  It  is  absolutely  refreshing  in  these  days  of  '  half-and-half  to  meet 
a  man  who  positively  believes  in  something,  and  makes  the  reader  feel  that  he  walks  upon  firm 
ground ;  that  there  is  somewhere,  in  this  bog  of  doubt,  firm  footing.  .  .  .  But  let  us  hasten  to 
say  that  this  is  a  history  cleared  and  well  proved,  and  not  a  controversial  tract.  It  is,  moreover, 
not  only  a  history  based  upon  knowledge  and  research  that  will  compel  the  reader's  acquiescence 
in  its  veracity,  but  it  is  written  with  so  much  vigor,  lucidity,  charm  of  style,  and  discrimination 
that  the  reader  will  enjoy  its  perusal  thoroughly." — Hartford  Courant. 

"With  abundant  learning,  entire  honesty  of  purpose,  and  a  style  of  uncommon  clearness  and 
vigor,  Dr.  Geikie  aims  to  set  forth  the  facts,  not  because  they  are  facts,  but  because  they  will,  as 
he  believes,  tend  to  correct  certain  evils  which  he  deplores,  and  forward  the  cause  upon  which 
his  heart  is  set." —  Worcester  Spy. 

"The  work  is  not  confined  to  sectarian  boundaries,  but  appeals  to  the  members  of  all  Prot- 
estant denominations.  It  places  the  question  in  a  new  light  for  many  readers,  and  will  excite 
thought  and  discussion."— Boston  Evening  Transcript. 

"Among  the  best  books  of  the  season  is  the  American  edition  of  "The  English  Eeformation.' " 
— N.  Y.  Methodist. 

"Dr.  Geikie's  'Life  and  Words  of  Christ'  has  gained  him  ft  world-wide  reputation,  and  this 
book  is  marked  by  a  like  thoroughness  and  brilliancy."— N.  T.  Baptist  Weekly. 

"A  most  satisfectory  contribution  to  the  demands  of  the  times."— Philadelphia  Episcopal 


"The  authorities  are  judiciously  selected,  and  the  work  may  be  recommended  as  a  good  church 
history  of  the  time."— London  Spectator. 

•n,  •nPr" Geikie  has  given  us  an  admirable  account  of '  The  English  Eeformation.'  It  is  a  book  of 
thrilling,  even  at  times  of  painful,  interest.  The  reader  will  be  amazed  afresh  at  thought  of  '  the 
great  price  at  which  our  spiritual  ancestors  purchased  that  citizenship  of  liberty  into  which  we 
were  born."— Chicago  Advance. 

"iThere  was  need  of  a  book  of  this  kind.  Not  only  was  there  a  call  for  some  condensed  and 
available  work  upon  the  subject  here  treated,  but  there  was  need  also  that  leanings  of  recent 
historians  should  be  at  least  offset  by  a  presentation  of  facts  that  should  be  candid  and  just. 
Dr.  Geikie  has  shown  in  his  former  work  that  he  is  in  spirit  a  true  historian,  and  an  examination 
of  this  new  book  will  indicate  how  carefully  and  thoroughly  he  has  studied  his  subject."—  Chicago 

"  A  more  interesting  contribution  to  religio-political  history  has  not  recently  been  made." — 
Cincinnati  Daily  Gazette. 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  Publishers,  549  &  551  Broadway,  New  York. 


A  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY. 


By  WILLIAM  EDWARD  HARTPOLE  LECKY, 

Author  of  "History  of  the  Rise  and  Influence  of  the  Spirit  of  Rationalism  in  Europe,' 
"  History  of  European  Morals,  from  Augustus  to  Charlemagne,"  etc. 


2  vols.,  12mo Cloth,  $5.00. 


Some  Topics  selected  from  the  Contents. 


Whigs  and  Tories. 

godolphin  and  marlborough. 

Literature  under  Anne. 

Sacheverell  and  the  Clergy. 

Oxford,  Bolingbroke,  Swift. 

Nonconformists— Quakers. 

Parliamentary  Corruption  and  Tyr- 
anny. 

Irish  Penal  Code. 

Robert  Walpole. 

Drunkenness— Gambling. 

Fleet  Marriages. 

Newspapers. 

Architecture,  Painting,  Music,  and  the 
Drama. 

English  Laborers.  I 


North  American  Colonies. 

Commercial  Restrictions. 

Slave-Trade. 

Scotland:  The  Highlands,  Scotch  Re- 
ligion, Progress. 

Ireland  :  Resources,  Country  Life,  Pol- 
itics, Religion,  Emigration.  < 

Priest-Hunting,  1711—1730. 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle. 

Pitt— Fox. 

Conquest  of  Canada. 

Conquest  of  Hindostan. 

Religious  Revival. 

Observance  of  Sunday. 

Wesley— Whitefield. 

Religion  in  Wales. 


Other  writers,  and  among  them  notably  Lord  Stanhope,  have  published  works 
covering,  in  great  measure,  the  same  period  which  Mr.  Lecky  has  here  chosen 
to  tr.eat  of;  but  the  plans,  objects,  and  the  classes  of  facts  on  which  the  present 
history  especially  dwells,  are  so  very  different  from  all  preceding  histories  as  to 
constitute  an  entirely  distinct  production.  Next  to  impartiality,  nothing  has  so 
distinguished  Mr.  Lecky  as  his  power  of  massing  facts,  and  preserving  their  due 
relation  and  subordination.  The  strict  order  of  chronology  he  in  some  cases 
departs  from,  for,  as  he  observes,  "  the  history  of  an  institution,  or  a  tendency, 
can  only  be  written  by  collecting  into  a  single  focus  facts  that  are  spread  over 
many  years,  and  such  matters  may  be  more  clearly  treated  according  to  the  order 
of  subjects  than  according  to  the  order  of  time."  This  is,  indeed,  the  philosophy 
of  history ;  and,  instead  of  giving  a  dry  narrative  of  events  year  by  year,  it  has 
been  Mr.  Lecky's  object  "  to  disengage  from  the  great  mass  of  facts  those  which 
relate  to  the  permanent  forces  of  the  nation,  or  which  indicate  some  of  the  more 
enduring  features  of  national  life,  and  to  present  the  growth  or  decline  of  mon- 
archy, the  aristocracy,  and  the  democracy,  of  the  Church  and  of  Dissent,  of  the 
agricultural,  the  manufacturing,  and  the  commercial  interests;  the  increasing 
power  of  Parliament  and  of  the  press ;  the  history  of  political  ideas,  of  art,  of 
manners,  and  of  belief;  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  in  the  social  and 
economical  condition  of  the  people ;  the  influences  that  have  modified  national 
character ;  the  relations  of  the  mother-country  to  its  dependencies,  and  the  causes 
that  have  accelerated  or  retarded  the  advancement  of  the  latter." 


D.  APPLETON  &  CO.,  549  &  551  Broadway,  New  York. 


APPLETONS'  CYCLOPEDIAS. 


The  American  Cyclopaedia : 


A  Popular  Dictionary  of  General  Knowledge.  Edited  by  George  Ripley 
and  Charles  A.  Dana.  Complete  in  16  vols,  of  over  800  pages  each.  E- 
lustrated  with  several  thousand  Wood  Engravings,  and  with  numerous 
Colored  Lithographic  Maps.  Large  8vo.  Price  per  vol.,  in  cloth,  $5.00 ; 
sheep,  $6.00 ;  half  morocco,  $7.00 ;  half  russia,  $8.00. 


A  General  and  Analytical  Index 


To  the  above.  By  the  Rev.  T.  J.  Conant,  D.  D.,  assisted  by  his  Daughter, 
Blandina  Conant.  1  vol.,  large  octavo.  810  pages.  Cloth,  $5.00;  sheep, 
$6.00 ;  half  morocco,  $7.00 ;  half  russia,  $8.00. 


The  American  Annual  Cyclopsedia, 


And  Register  of  Important  Events,  commencing  with  1861,  embracing 
Political,  Civil,  Military,  and  Social  Affairs ;  Public  Documents,  Biography, 
Statistics,  Commerce,  Finance,  Literature,  Science,  Agriculture,  and  Me- 
chanical Industry.  (Uniform  with  the  American  Cyclopaedia.)  Price  per 
vol.,  in  cloth,  $5.00 ;  sheep,  $6.00;  half  morocco,  $6.50 ;  half  russia,  $7.50 ; 
full  russia,  $9.00 ;  full  morocco,  antique,  $9.00. 

The  Cyclopsedia  of  Drawing : 

A  Text-book  for  the  Mechanic,  Architect,  Engineer,  and  Surveyor.  Pro- 
fusely illustrated.  New  and  revised  edition,  with  many  additional  Dlus- 
trations.     1  vol.,  royal  8vo.     Cloth.     Price,  $10.00. 

Appletons'  Cyclopsedia  of  Applied  Mechanics. 

A  Dictionary  of  Mechanical  Engineering  and  the  Technical  Arts.  Illus- 
trated by  5,000  Engravings.  Edited  by  Park  Benjamin,  Ph.  D.  In  semi- 
monthly Parts,  50  cents  each.  Subscriptions  received  only  for  the  entire 
work  of  Twenty-four  Parts. 


^ 


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